Arms Embargoes on Israel Since 2023

The restrictions covered several different activities: issuing new export permits, fulfilling existing licenses, delivering particular weapons, purchasing Israeli defense equipment, and moving military cargo through ports, airspace, or overseas bases.[8][6] Britain, Belgium, Canada, Colombia, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain were among the countries that suspended or reduced some exports to Israel or limited particular exports or imports during the war.[8] Their measures differed in legal basis, geographic reach, duration, and the equipment affected.[8]

The distinction between a comprehensive embargo and a narrower restriction was central to the policies’ practical meaning.[8] The British government expressly described its September 2024 decision as neither a blanket ban nor an arms embargo, while the Dutch litigation concerned F-35 parts rather than all military exports.[9][10] The United States paused a particular bomb shipment while continuing other military support, and Germany’s August 2025 measure applied to equipment that could be used in Gaza.[8][11] Spain subsequently adopted a two-way defense-trade prohibition with a national-interest exception, while Slovenia’s 2025 ban was revoked in 2026.[6][12]

The United States and Germany were Israel’s principal weapons suppliers over the preceding decade.[8] Between 2019 and 2023, they accounted for approximately 69 percent and 30 percent, respectively, of Israeli arms imports, making their decisions particularly important to Israel’s access to foreign weaponry.[13]

Several restrictions originated in reviews initiated after October 7, 2023.[14][15] Italy halted new licenses following the beginning of Israeli military operations in Gaza, while France reviewed its defense exports in October 2023 and reportedly stopped supplying parts usable in artillery-shell production.[14][15] Canada stopped approving new arms-export permits on January 8, 2024, although previously approved permits initially remained valid.[16]

International pressure expanded during 2024 through parliamentary motions, litigation, and diplomatic initiatives.[7][17] On April 5, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling on states to “cease the sale, transfer and diversion of arms, munitions and other military equipment to Israel.”[7] It passed by 28 votes to six, with 13 abstentions; the United States voted against it.[7] The resolution also requested reporting by an existing Commission of Inquiry on arms transfers and their legal consequences.[7]

In October 2024, French President Emmanuel Macron called on the international community to stop supplying Israel with weapons that could be used in Gaza or Lebanon.[8] This was a diplomatic call for action by other countries, distinct from the selective French export restrictions reported after the October 2023 review.[8][15] In August 2024, Ireland’s defense ministry stated that no UN, OSCE, or EU arms restrictions or embargoes applied to Israel or Israeli companies, and confirmed that Israeli firms could compete for an Irish military-drone contract.[18]

The policies continued to change after 2024 rather than forming a steadily expanding, permanent system.[11][12] Germany introduced a partial suspension in August 2025 and announced a return to individual licensing reviews that November.[11] Spain enacted a broader embargo in October 2025, whereas Slovenia’s new government revoked its additional arms-trade prohibition in June 2026.[6][12]

In May 2024, the Biden administration paused a shipment containing 1,800 2,000-pound bombs and 1,700 500-pound bombs amid concern about their possible use in an Israeli operation in Rafah.[8] Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin confirmed at a May 8 Senate hearing that one shipment of high-payload munitions had been paused and that no final decision had been made about its disposition.[3] Other reported delays involved small-diameter bombs and Joint Direct Attack Munition kits.[3]

The State Department maintained that the United States remained committed to Israel’s defense.[8] The 500-pound bombs were subsequently released, while review of the 2,000-pound bombs continued until the end of President Joe Biden’s term.[8] The hold on the heavier bombs remained in place when the United States announced a $20 billion arms package in August 2024, demonstrating that the delivery restriction did not encompass all American military support.[19]

In October 2024, the administration warned that an embargo could follow unless Israel increased humanitarian aid entering Gaza within 30 days.[19] It subsequently concluded that Israel was moving in the right direction and that continued arms provision would not violate American law, so the warning did not become an implemented embargo.[19]

Congress also considered restrictions on future sales.[20] On November 20, 2024, the Senate rejected three resolutions introduced by Senator Bernie Sanders concerning tank ammunition, high-explosive mortar rounds, and Joint Direct Attack Munition kits.[20] Each proposal attracted between 17 and 19 supporting votes and approximately 80 votes against; the affected sales were scheduled for future years.[20]

In January 2025, President Donald Trump lifted the restriction on the 2,000-pound bombs.[21] The shipment consisted of 1,800 MK-84 bombs weighing approximately 900 kilograms each.[21] This concerned the release of a specific shipment, not the termination of a comprehensive American arms embargo.[21]

On September 2, 2024, Foreign Secretary David Lammy announced the suspension of 30 of approximately 350 arms-export licenses to Israel.[1] The affected equipment included components for fighter aircraft, helicopters, and drones, with other reporting identifying naval systems and artillery-targeting equipment among the categories covered.[22][1] The stated basis was a clear risk that specified items might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of international humanitarian law in Gaza.[23]

The suspension left the remaining licenses, including those for defensive weapons, unaffected.[23] Components entering the international F-35 program were largely exempted, although parts ordered directly for Israel were treated differently.[1] The government ruled out a complete ban, and its announcement expressly distinguished the measure from a blanket embargo.[9][1]

Approved license values had already fallen sharply before the formal suspension.[24] Licenses issued between October 7 and December 31, 2023, were worth $1.09 million, compared with $23 million during the corresponding period in 2022.[24] The figure was 95 percent below the average for the same period over the preceding 20 years and represented a 13-year low; many approved goods were commercial-use or non-lethal items such as helmets, body armor, and protected vehicles.[24]

A September 29, 2026 report put the cumulative number of suspended or refused licenses above 80.[9] It reported that British components entering the multinational F-35 supply chain remained largely exempt, while direct exports of F-35 components specifically intended for Israel remained suspended.[9] Following the original British announcement, the United States said it would make its own assessment under American law and had not determined that Israel had violated international humanitarian law.[25]

On February 12, 2024, the Court of Appeals in The Hague ordered the Dutch government to stop exports of F-35 fighter-jet parts to Israel within seven days.[10] The American-owned components were stored at Woensdrecht in a regional distribution system serving F-35 partner countries.[10] Deliveries operated under a general permit rather than requiring a separate authorization for each shipment.[26]

The appeals court accepted a petition by human-rights organizations, reversing an earlier district-court dismissal.[10] Its order applied to the F-35 components stored in the Netherlands, not to all Dutch arms trade with Israel.[26] The Dutch government announced an appeal and argued that the United States could supply Israel from other warehouses or bases.[10]

A July 2024 follow-up ruling did not stop transfers routed through other countries because the application of the February order to such transfers was unclear.[2] A December 2024 account reported that components had been sent to the United States and onward to Israel.[13] At the time of the original ruling, Israel reportedly operated 36 F-35 aircraft, had another 14 on order, and had requested 25 more.[10]

On October 3, 2025, the Dutch Supreme Court overturned the appeals court’s decision requiring an export halt and directed the state to reassess the license within six weeks.[2] It held that the appeals court had overstepped its role by deciding an export-risk assessment that belonged to the government.[27] The government nevertheless maintained the suspension, saying that resuming exports was unreasonable in the circumstances then prevailing.[27]

Germany’s position carried particular weight because it was Israel’s second-largest foreign arms supplier after the United States.[13] Reported German supplies included submarines, naval vessels, tank engines, shells, portable anti-tank weapons, ammunition, fuses, propellants, armored vehicles, military trucks, and safety glass.[28][5] One account valued German arms exports to Israel at roughly $350 million in 2023 and $150 million in 2024.[5]

During 2024, Germany maintained a case-by-case licensing framework.[13] September media accounts described a hold on approvals for new war-weapons licenses while legal challenges were addressed; other accounts claimed that overall German defense exports to Israel increased that year.[8] These reports concerned different categories and measures of exports rather than an identical set of transactions.[8]

On August 8, 2025, Chancellor Friedrich Merz announced that Germany would not authorize exports of military equipment that could be used in Gaza “until further notice.”[5] The decision followed the Israeli cabinet’s approval of expanded operations in Gaza City.[11] Merz questioned how that expansion would advance the release of hostages or the defeat of Hamas.[28]

On November 17, Germany announced that the restrictions would be lifted from November 24 and that export applications would again receive individual review.[29] The decision depended on adherence to the October 10 ceasefire and the continued provision of humanitarian aid to Gaza, with the government saying it would respond to further developments.[29]

The temporary restriction applied to German exports to Israel, not Israeli exports to Germany.[30] German officials continued discussions with Israeli defense companies and Israel’s Ministry of Defense during the suspension.[30] A December 2025 report estimated that Germany had purchased approximately $10 billion in Israeli weapons over the preceding two years.[30]

Canada stopped approving new arms-export permits for Israel on January 8, 2024, while initially allowing deliveries under previously issued permits.[31] The government cited export rules barring transfers where there was a risk of serious violations of international humanitarian law or certain serious acts of violence, and said approvals would not resume until compliance could be ensured.[16]

On March 19, Parliament adopted a non-binding motion calling for a halt to arms exports.[17] Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly said the following day that Ottawa planned to halt all such exports.[17] The motion also supported a two-state solution; a proposal for official recognition of Palestine was removed from the final text in a last-minute compromise.[17] Contemporary statements differed in emphasis: Defense Minister Bill Blair called the measure a temporary pause, Joly pointed to the January cutoff, and the foreign ministry said existing approvals could still be used.[31]

Canada had authorized at least $21 million in military export permits after October 7, 2023, and reportedly suspended non-lethal exports, including night-vision goggles, in January 2024.[17] Two organizations filed a lawsuit on March 5 alleging that Canadian military goods and technology sold to Israel could be used to violate human rights.[17]

In September 2024, Joly confirmed that approximately 30 existing permits had been suspended following a review of suppliers’ contracts with Israel and other countries.[32] The suspensions included a Canadian subsidiary’s work on a transaction with the American government.[32] Joly said Canada would not allow arms or arms components to be sent to Gaza.[32]

Canada accounted for only 0.05 percent of Israel’s defense imports in 2019–2023.[31] Canadian defense exports to Israel totaled approximately $15 million in 2022, while reported exports during the first months of the Gaza war reached C$28.5 million.[31] Uncertainty over the restrictions concerned Canadian companies because Israel was an important destination for their defense industry’s exports.[31]

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said in October 2024 that Italy had suspended all new export licenses following the start of Israeli military operations in Gaza and had not implemented agreements signed after October 7, 2023.[14] Earlier licenses remained subject to individual foreign-ministry assessment.[14] In March 2024, Defense Minister Guido Crosetto said deliveries under previously signed orders had continued after checks found the equipment would not be used against civilians in Gaza.[33] Trade figures showed €2.1 million in arms and ammunition exports during the final three months of 2023, including €1.3 million in December.[33] Italy had exported approximately $130 million in defense goods to Israel between 2013 and 2022, mainly combat- and training-aircraft parts.[34]

Denmark adopted what its foreign minister called a “very restrictive approach” in April 2024 but retained case-by-case consideration of applications.[35] In August, parliament rejected an opposition proposal to halt arms and security-equipment exports by 84 votes to 11.[36] The debate included Danish-produced F-35 components.[36]

Belgium’s Walloon region took steps to suspend military exports, while a separate July 2025 Brussels court order addressed transit through the Port of Antwerp.[13][37] That order provided for penalties against Flemish authorities if military goods destined for Israel passed through without assurance of civilian use.[37] The case concerned bearings bound for an Israeli manufacturer of tank components; the Flemish government appealed.[37]

France reportedly stopped supplying parts usable in artillery-shell manufacture after its October 2023 review, while seeking to minimize exports without severing military relations entirely.[15] Israel represented approximately 0.2 percent of France’s arms-export market.[15] In June 2024, a local court in Bobigny barred people connected with Israeli defense companies from entering the Eurosatory exhibition, an exhibition-access restriction rather than an export embargo.[36]

On September 8, 2025, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez announced a permanent ban on arms and ammunition sales to Israel.[4] The measures also barred ships carrying fuel for Israel’s armed forces from Spanish ports and aircraft carrying military equipment to Israel from Spanish airspace.[4] Spain said it had prohibited military-equipment sales to and purchases from Israel since the beginning of the war and would now place the prohibition in law.[38]

On October 8, parliament approved the embargo decree by 178 votes to 169.[6] It prohibited defense-equipment, product, and technology exports to Israel and imports from Israel, and outlawed transit of aviation fuel with potential military use.[6] The decree permitted exceptions for dual-use defense equipment when applying the prohibition would harm “general national interests.”[6] Spain subsequently used that provision to allow Airbus to continue importing Israeli technology for Spanish-based projects, citing risks to continuity, employment, industry, and technological capabilities.[39]

Spain also reportedly prevented American Israel-bound arms shipments from using aircraft and ships at the Rota and Morón bases.[40] Canceled contracts included Elbit SILAM rocket launchers, Rafael Spike missiles, Rafael Litening-5 targeting pods, and IMI Systems ammunition; one report valued the canceled deals at approximately $1 billion.[40] Other procurement reporting described a reversal concerning a €6.6 million ammunition contract, a later €207 million Rafael cancellation, and canceled or suspended PULS and Spike projects.[41]

Transit restrictions predated the statutory embargo.[42] A July 2024 report described Spain refusing a Cartagena port call to a vessel carrying an India-to-Israel shipment reportedly containing 27 tons of explosives.[42]

Slovenia announced its ban on July 31, 2025, covering weapons exports and transit to Israel and most arms imports from Israel, with an exemption for equipment necessary for Slovenian security.[12][43] An Israeli official dismissed its practical effect, saying Israel procured no defense equipment from Slovenia.[43] In June 2026, Slovenia’s new government revoked the prohibition, arguing that existing national and EU rules already regulated the transactions and that the additional measure was unnecessary.[12]

Restrictions affected specific aircraft components, ammunition, raw materials, and delivery routes rather than only completed weapons systems.[44][42] Supplies identified in April 2024 included Dutch F-35I spare parts, Italian Lavi training-aircraft parts, and ammunition from Britain and Canada.[44] Some Israeli-developed systems and components were manufactured in the United States or Europe, including through Israeli subsidiaries, exposing Israeli production to foreign licensing decisions.[44]

The scale of dependence varied sharply by supplier.[13][31] Germany and the United States dominated Israeli arms imports, whereas Canada supplied a very small share.[13][31] The restrictions imposed by other European suppliers were described as having more political and diplomatic than military-security significance, and the affected items identified in April 2024 represented a small proportion of trade.[13][44] Defense trade with Canada also substantially favored Israel.[44]

A July 2024 report described additional supplier-level problems: some European companies had stopped responding to Israeli counterparts, and one foreign supplier had ceased providing materials used in ammunition manufacture.[42] Israeli defense officials expressed concern about shortages and sought alternative suppliers and larger raw-material reserves.[42] The same reporting noted continued deliveries and transactions despite announced stoppages in Italy, Canada, and Belgium, underscoring the difference between public policy announcements and individual supply relationships.[42]

The Dutch appeals court based its February 2024 order on a finding of a clear risk that F-35 components would be used in serious violations of international humanitarian law.[26] It rejected the proposition that the destruction described in the evidence plausibly concerned exclusively military targets or legitimate collateral damage; these were findings in that export case, not a general criminal determination concerning Israeli weapons use.[26]

In April 2024, Nicaragua sought an International Court of Justice order stopping German arms transfers.[45] Germany defended its individual licensing assessments and said war-weapons provision had decreased since October 7.[45] The court declined the requested preliminary order, observed that licensed material had significantly decreased in value since November 2023, and reminded states of their arms-transfer obligations; the case remained pending when the cited account was prepared.[45] In Denmark, human-rights groups alleged that exports risked complicity in war crimes, while the foreign minister disputed the court’s authority to decide the exports’ legitimacy.[36]

Policy consistency also attracted scrutiny.[41][46] Reporting alleged that Spain had awarded Israeli firms 46 military contracts worth over €1 billion since October 7, despite its stated restrictions.[41] In October 2026, organizations alleged that hundreds of military-equipment shipments had moved from France to Israel or an Israeli defense company between October 2023 and March 2026; Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot denied that France sold weapons to Israel and announced an investigation and precautionary measures.[46] Sánchez’s description of Spain’s measures as intended to stop “genocide” in Gaza was his political rationale, not an independently established finding in the reporting.[38]