Timeline of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict in 2019

Weekly demonstrations along the Gaza–Israel fence, which had begun in 2018 as the March of Return, continued into 2019 and drew thousands of participants each week.[9] They included unarmed demonstrators, armed individuals, and people launching incendiary devices.[9] Hamas controlled the demonstrations, at times encouraging violence and at other times policing participants to limit attacks on Israeli forces.[10] The border demonstrations formed a continuing setting for confrontations alongside rocket attacks and Israeli military responses throughout the year.[1][9]

Egyptian mediation sought to contain fighting during the March and May escalations.[3][4] Egypt also mediated the November ceasefire between Israel and Palestinian Islamic Jihad.[5] Negotiations also concerned economic conditions, access through Gaza’s crossings, and the permitted fishing area.[11] Hamas sought economic concessions and infrastructure projects, while Israel’s stated conditions included disarmament and the return of captured Israelis and the remains of fallen soldiers.[11]

Territorial policy and diplomacy developed alongside these security issues in the West Bank — known by its original, indigenous Jewish name of Judea and Samaria.[12] Benjamin Netanyahu’s election campaigns included pledges concerning annexation of settlements and the Jordan Valley, while the United States prepared an economic initiative for Palestinians and the wider region.[12] Palestinian leaders opposed an approach centered on economic incentives without satisfaction of their core political demands, including statehood in the West Bank and Gaza and a capital in Jerusalem.[12]

An early-January account by the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs linked rising Gaza-border tensions to disputes between Fatah and Hamas.[13] Its chronology described an explosive-bearing drone and balloons landing inside Israel on January 6, followed by Israeli strikes on two Hamas positions.[13] It also described interception of a rocket fired toward Ashkelon the next morning and subsequent Israeli strikes near Beit Lahia.[13]

A separate JCFA account said the January 11–12 violence followed a freeze on another $15 million transfer from Qatar to Hamas officials.[14] It described approximately 13,000 participants at border demonstrations, where tires were burned and stones and explosives were thrown at Israeli soldiers.[14] It reported one Palestinian woman killed, 25 Palestinians injured—including two journalists and a paramedic—and one Israeli soldier lightly injured.[14] The account also described a rocket landing in an open field in the Sdot Negev Regional Council, Israeli airstrikes on Hamas positions, and mediation attempts by an Egyptian delegation.[14]

In February, tensions also centered on the Gate of Mercy compound on the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif.[15] A JCFA analysis described Muslim worshippers praying in the previously closed compound, followed by police arrests of seven people and installation of locked gates.[15] Its account stated that, after Israeli–Jordanian talks, police removed the gates and released those arrested on February 20, while Waqf officials placed new gates at the entrance.[15]

On March 4, the United States incorporated its Jerusalem consulate, previously a diplomatic channel to the Palestinians, into the U.S. Embassy.[16] The consulate’s Palestinian Affairs Unit was placed within the embassy.[16] On March 14, two rockets were fired toward Tel Aviv, one of which was intercepted by Iron Dome.[17]

On March 17, a Palestinian assailant stabbed and killed an Israeli soldier near Ariel, seized his rifle, and then shot and killed an Israeli civilian and wounded another soldier.[9] The assailant was subsequently killed in a shootout with Israeli forces.[9] The Israelis killed were Sgt. Gal Keidan and Rabbi Achiad Ettinger.[18]

Within Gaza, Hamas security forces arrested thousands of Palestinians during a March crackdown on the Bidna Na’eesh, or “We Want to Live,” movement, whose participants protested high prices and poor services.[9] Those arrested included civil-society activists, journalists, and human-rights defenders; hundreds of protesters were beaten, interrogated, or tortured.[9] The reported arrests included 23 journalists.[9]

The March 22 Gaza return march drew approximately 9,500 participants and included improvised explosive devices thrown at Israeli forces and groups cutting through the border fence.[19] Before dawn on March 25, a long-range rocket fired from Rafah in southern Gaza struck a house in Mishmeret, an agricultural community north of Tel Aviv, at approximately 5:20 a.m.[20] The house was largely destroyed, and seven people were wounded: two moderately and five lightly, including two small children.[20] It was the first occasion since Operation Protective Edge in 2014 that sirens had sounded in that area.[19]

Israel held Hamas responsible, citing the rocket’s manufacture by Hamas and its launch from a Hamas position near Rafah.[20] Netanyahu cut short a visit to Washington following the strike.[21] Israel closed the Kerem Shalom goods crossing and Erez passenger crossing, restricted Gaza’s fishing area, deployed additional Iron Dome batteries, and called up two reserve brigades.[20] Tel Aviv, Netanya, and Rishon LeZion were among the municipalities opening public shelters, while restrictions near Gaza limited gatherings and required protected school buildings.[20]

Israeli forces attacked dozens of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad targets during the ensuing exchange.[19] One account recorded approximately 70 rockets and mortar shells fired by Palestinian armed organizations during the escalation.[19] The fighting ended following Egyptian mediation.[3] A later JCFA chronology included the office of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh and Hamas military intelligence headquarters among the Israeli targets, and listed 89 rockets and 58 Israeli strikes for March 25–26.[22]

On March 30, Land Day and the first anniversary of the Great March of Return brought approximately 40,000 Palestinians to the Gaza border.[23] Some participants threw stones, burned tires, or threw grenades and explosive devices toward the fence.[23] By the afternoon, one Palestinian, approximately 17 years old, had been reported killed and 59 injured, including people in serious or critical condition.[23] Hamas deputy leader Khalil al-Hayya presented the demonstrations as pressure on Israel over demands including an end to the blockade.[23]

During the campaign preceding Israel’s April election, Netanyahu pledged to begin annexing Israeli settlements in the West Bank.[12] His subsequent failure to form a government led to the decision to hold another election, while he continued leading a caretaker administration.[12]

The major May escalation followed a Palestinian Islamic Jihad sniper attack during a May 3 border demonstration.[4] One Israeli soldier was seriously wounded and another slightly wounded.[4] Israeli forces struck Hamas posts in response, killing two members of Hamas’s military wing.[4] From May 4, Gaza-based organizations launched sustained rocket and mortar fire at Israel, and Israeli forces attacked targets in Gaza.[4]

The two-day escalation included approximately 690 rockets and mortar shells and more than 350 Israeli strikes on Gaza targets.[4] More than 600 projectiles were fired from Gaza within one 24-hour period.[24] Israeli targets included Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad facilities, training bases, and weapons-manufacturing assets.[25] Israel also killed Hamas figure Hamed al-Khoudary, who was described as responsible for transferring Iranian funds to organizations in Gaza.[26]

Iron Dome intercepted more than 150 rockets, while 35 impacts were reported in built-up areas.[26] Four Israeli civilians were killed during the fighting: Moshe Agadi, Ziad al-Hamamda, Pinchas Menachem Prezuazman, and Moshe Feder.[18] Agadi and al-Hamamda were killed in Ashkelon; Prezuazman was struck by rocket shrapnel while seeking shelter in Ashdod.[18] Feder was killed when an anti-tank missile struck his car near Kibbutz Erez.[18] A nearby bus carrying soldiers was not hit.[4]

One contemporaneous account recorded 123 Israelis wounded and 27 Palestinians killed, including 16 identified as members of armed groups.[4] Other reports gave different Palestinian death tolls as the fighting developed.[24][27] Rivka Jamil, wounded on May 5, died on July 7, bringing the number of civilian deaths associated with the episode to five in a year-end account.[18]

The fighting subsided on May 6 after intensive Egyptian mediation.[4] A ceasefire was reported to have taken effect at 4:30 a.m., and the Israeli military lifted home-front alert restrictions at 7:00 a.m.[4] Israel did not officially announce the ceasefire.[24] Palestinian accounts of accompanying understandings included a fishing zone extending to 15 nautical miles, improvements to electricity and fuel supplies, and eased restrictions on imports and exports.[4]

The first Friday border demonstrations after the ceasefire took place on May 10, drawing approximately 6,000 Palestinians.[28] A 24-year-old Palestinian was killed by Israeli fire, and approximately 30 others were injured.[28] Hamas deployed members as a buffer between demonstrators and the border under understandings reached with senior Egyptian intelligence officials.[28] Israel expanded the permitted fishing area to as much as 12 nautical miles, conditional on compliance with the understandings.[28]

On June 8, U.S. Ambassador David Friedman said Israel had a right under certain circumstances to retain some of the West Bank.[16] His formulation did not envisage retaining all of the territory, and an unnamed U.S. official subsequently said Washington had not discussed an Israeli annexation plan.[12] Palestinian leaders denounced Friedman’s remarks as a violation of international law.[16]

The U.S.-initiated Bahrain economic workshop opened on June 25 as part of the proposed Peace to Prosperity initiative.[6] Held in Manama on June 25–26, it was intended to discuss investment and economic development for Palestinians and the region.[29] The accompanying proposal envisaged $50 billion in investment and infrastructure development for the West Bank and Gaza and Palestinians in Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon.[12]

The proposal included 179 projects and a goal of creating one million jobs over ten years.[6] Other projected aims included doubling Palestinian gross domestic product and constructing a proposed $5 billion corridor connecting the West Bank and Gaza.[30][16] These were proposed investments and development targets, rather than completed projects or achieved economic outcomes.[6][30]

Neither Israel nor the Palestinian Authority sent official representatives, although some private-sector representatives attended.[12] Palestinian leaders rejected the workshop and its associated peace initiative, objecting to economic incentives as a substitute for addressing core political demands.[6][12] Arab states attending made no specific monetary commitments, and the United States offered no funding for the proposed plan.[12][30]

Palestinian protests took place in the West Bank, and a general strike was called in Gaza.[6] A JCFA account described demonstrations and clashes over three days beginning June 25 and a June 26 meeting in Gaza City at which Haniyeh convened Palestinian factions against the conference.[31] The same account described Palestinian businesspeople attending despite the Palestinian Authority’s opposition.[31]

On July 22, Israeli forces demolished 12 houses in Wadi Hums near Sur Baher in southeast Jerusalem.[32] The affected buildings stood on the Jerusalem side of the security barrier, including in Areas A and B, and had Palestinian Authority permits but were within a no-construction zone established by Israeli authorities in 2011.[9] Following a lengthy legal process, Israel’s High Court of Justice deemed the construction a security threat and illegal under Israeli law.[9] The Palestinian government promised compensation and alternative housing for affected families.[32]

On August 8, Dvir Sorek, a 19-year-old yeshiva student, was stabbed to death near Migdal Oz.[18] The year’s Israeli victims also included Ori Ansbacher, 19, from Tekoa, who was killed in Jerusalem’s Ein Yael Forest.[18]

On August 11, Eid al-Adha coincided with the Jewish fast of Tisha B’Av, and clashes broke out at the Temple Mount/al-Aqsa compound.[33] Police reversed an initial decision to bar Jewish visitors and allowed several dozen to enter under escort, after which Muslim worshippers and police clashed.[33] Palestinian medics reported at least 14 people wounded, one seriously, while police reported four injured officers.[33]

On August 23, an explosive device detonated against a father and his two children visiting the Ayn Bubin spring near Dolev, northwest of Jerusalem.[34] Seventeen-year-old Rina Shnerb was killed, and her father and brother were critically injured.[34] The device had been placed on a path used by visitors.[34] Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad praised the attack, but the initial account did not identify an organization claiming responsibility.[34]

In September, three men allegedly affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine were arrested in connection with the bombing.[25] A later JCFA account described a December 18 Shin Bet announcement concerning a PFLP network and the arrest of 50 people, including Palestinian legislator Khalida Jarrar.[35]

During his September election campaign, Netanyahu pledged to apply Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan Valley after forming a government and subsequently extended the pledge to West Bank settlements.[18] Israel had used the Jordan Valley, along Jordan’s western border, as a defensive buffer since 1967.[12] Netanyahu also legalized the Jordan Valley outpost of Me’voet Yericho.[18] The September 17 election left government formation unresolved, and Netanyahu continued heading a caretaker government.[12]

On November 12, Israeli forces killed Bahaa Abu al-Atta, commander of Palestinian Islamic Jihad’s north Gaza brigade, in a targeted strike.[5] His wife was also killed.[36] Israel’s stated rationale was that he had directed or planned rocket attacks, sniper attacks, and attempted infiltrations.[36] The operation and the ensuing fighting were named Operation Black Belt.[37]

A JCFA account also described an Israeli attack on the Damascus home of senior Palestinian Islamic Jihad figure Akram al-Ajouri.[38] It described Egyptian intelligence opening talks with Israel, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad in an attempt to halt the escalation.[38]

Palestinian Islamic Jihad responded with rocket fire, and Israeli forces attacked the organization’s targets in Gaza.[5] The November 12–13 attacks included 562 rockets and mortar shells fired into Israel.[2] Schools closed and civilians in affected areas took shelter, with restrictions on nonessential work extending from southern Israel to the Tel Aviv region.[2][36] The fighting lasted approximately 50 hours.[37]

Iron Dome intercepted more than 90 percent of rockets heading toward built-up areas, while approximately 60 percent of all rockets landed in open areas.[37] Israel’s strikes targeted Palestinian Islamic Jihad military assets and killed an estimated 25 of its military operatives.[37] The Palestinian health ministry reported 34 Palestinians killed and 111 injured during the escalation.[5] No Israelis were killed, although injuries and property damage were recorded.[5]

On November 14, an Israeli airstrike killed nine members of one Gaza family, including five children younger than 13.[9] The family was mistakenly targeted, and the Israeli military stated that it was investigating the strike.[9]

Egypt mediated a ceasefire accepted by Israel and Palestinian Islamic Jihad before dawn on November 14.[5] Palestinian Islamic Jihad announced that it would take effect at 5:30 a.m.[39] Sporadic firing continued after the ceasefire.[5] On November 16, two rockets fired at Beersheba were intercepted; these were identified as Hamas’s first rocket launches of that round, and Israel then attacked Hamas targets for the first time during the escalation.[5]

On November 18, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the United States considered the establishment of Israeli civilian settlements in the West Bank “not per se inconsistent with international law.”[7] He stated that Washington was not expressing a view on the legality of individual settlements and was not prejudging the territory’s ultimate status, which Israelis and Palestinians should negotiate.[7] He also argued that describing settlements as inconsistent with international law had not advanced peace and that negotiations were necessary to resolve the conflict.[7]

The announcement reversed the U.S. executive branch’s previous legal approach, including a 1978 State Department opinion.[7] On November 19, the U.S. Embassy issued a travel warning covering Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza.[40]

On December 20, International Criminal Court Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda announced that she considered there to be a reasonable basis to proceed with an investigation into the situation in Palestine.[8] Her preliminary examination had begun in 2015.[41] The proposed territorial scope included the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza, and she requested a pre-trial panel ruling within 120 days on the Court’s authority and the limits of an investigation.[41]

The preliminary examination identified possible war crimes by Israeli forces during the 2014 Gaza hostilities and possible war crimes by Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups.[8] Palestinian officials welcomed the announcement, while Israel rejected it.[41] The prosecutor’s announcement was not a court judgment establishing criminal responsibility.[8]

The Israeli military’s annual figures counted 1,295 rockets launched from Gaza toward Israel, the highest annual total since 2014.[42] Of these, 729 landed in open areas and 478 were intercepted by Iron Dome.[42] The same figures recorded 51 terrorist attacks in 2019, down from 76 in 2018.[42] Another annual accounting, covering rockets and mortar shells together, recorded 1,403 projectiles compared with 1,119 in 2018.[1]

The year-end pattern combined increased Gaza rocket fire with a decline in the scope and lethality of attacks in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.[1] Weekly border violence and rocket attacks repeatedly disrupted everyday life in southern Israel.[1] By December 9, 101 incidents of Palestinians committing violent acts against Israeli civilians in the West Bank had been recorded, primarily stone-throwing, a decline of 49 percent from 2018.[25]

Annual reporting also recorded three Israeli civilians and two Israeli soldiers killed by Palestinian terrorist groups and unaffiliated individuals in West Bank attacks.[25] Separately, 330 settler-attack incidents caused Palestinian deaths, injuries, or property damage, an 18 percent increase from 2018.[25]

Israeli forces carried out 579 airstrikes in Gaza during the year.[25] Airstrikes and tank shelling together were associated with 66 Palestinian deaths, including 10 minors, in the annual accounting.[25] The March crackdown on Gaza’s economic protesters also left a record of mass arrests and abuse of journalists, activists, and human-rights defenders by Hamas security forces.[9]

Accounts of the year differ in their totals and classifications: annual rocket-and-mortar counts include 1,403 and approximately 1,340, while the military’s rocket-only figure was 1,295.[1][42] A State Department terrorism report attributed four deaths to Gaza rocket attacks.[2] Human-rights reports gave five Israeli civilian deaths in one section and six Israeli deaths in another.[25][10] These figures should not be treated as a single reconciled statistical series.

The May Palestinian death toll ranged from 27 in one account to 31 in another, and Israel disputed Gaza authorities’ attribution of the deaths of a pregnant woman and infant to an Israeli strike, asserting instead that a Gaza rocket had misfired.[4][24] Gaza fence casualty classifications were also disputed: B’Tselem counted 38 Palestinians killed at demonstrations, including 12 minors, and said 28 had not participated in hostilities; Israel maintained that many victims were armed-group operatives and that live fire was a last resort against clear and imminent threats.[9] Four additional deaths were associated with tear-gas-canister head injuries.[9]

The July demolitions generated a significant legal and political dispute: Palestinian leaders called them a war crime and a violation of the Oslo Accords, while Israel’s High Court upheld the security basis for the demolitions.[32][9] The November settlement announcement likewise did not resolve the underlying international-law dispute: the European Union reaffirmed its position that settlements were illegal, and Palestinian officials rejected Washington’s credibility as a mediator.[40] Most international jurists and UN Security Council Resolution 2334 took a position opposing settlement legality, while Israel advanced counterarguments.[43]

The November ceasefire produced competing accounts of both its terms and its outcome.[39][5] Palestinian Islamic Jihad claimed Israeli commitments concerning targeted killings and border demonstrators, while Israeli officials did not confirm those terms and instead stated that quiet would be met with quiet.[39] Israeli military statements presented the operation’s objectives as achieved, whereas Palestinian Islamic Jihad leaders portrayed the ceasefire and disruption of Israeli daily life as gains.[5] The ICC announcement similarly remained a proposed investigative step subject to jurisdictional dispute, not a finding of guilt.[8][41]