Israel–Spain Relations

Full diplomatic recognition in 1986 ended a prolonged period in which Israel and Spain maintained contacts without normal state-to-state relations.[1] Before recognition, Spanish Jewish communities and socio-cultural friendship associations provided an unofficial bridge between the countries.[8] After recognition, the relationship increasingly developed through government channels, official visits, economic ties, and cooperation agreements.[3]

The relationship has combined practical cooperation with persistent differences over the Palestinian question and Spain’s relations with Arab states.[9][10] Cooperation has included agriculture, technology, cultural exchange, renewable energy, defense procurement, and pharmaceutical supplies.[2][7][11] Spain’s hosting of the 1991 Madrid conference gave it a prominent role in a framework for direct Israeli-Arab negotiations and regional cooperation.[4]

Jewish history in Spain has formed an important cultural dimension of the relationship, reflected in royal visits, commemorations of the expulsion of Spanish Jews, and the creation of a government-financed center dedicated to Jewish and Sephardi culture.[2][7] Political relations nevertheless worsened substantially during the Gaza war, culminating in ambassadorial withdrawals and Spanish restrictions on military trade and transport.[6][12]

Under Francisco Franco, Spain did not establish diplomatic relations with Israel, although it traded with Israel and maintained a consulate in Jerusalem.[7] Spain’s non-recognition reflected its policy of friendship toward Arab countries, while Israel opposed Spain’s admission to the United Nations because it viewed Franco’s government as a friend of Nazi Germany.[7] An account of the early relationship describes Franco approaching Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion in 1948 about establishing relations, with Ben-Gurion rejecting the proposal because of Franco’s close ties to Nazi Germany.[1]

The absence of formal relations did not mean an absence of contact: Israeli representatives in Madrid handled trade, culture, tourism, and intelligence while Israel rejected formal relations during Franco’s rule.[13] The countries also cooperated discreetly on counterterrorism before recognition, and Spain’s Labor Party maintained close ties with Israel’s Labor Party.[9] These contacts operated alongside the cultural and community connections sustained by Spanish Jews and friendship associations.[8]

Intensive Israeli efforts to establish relations began after Franco’s death in 1975.[9] Spain had long taken a generally pro-Arab position in Middle Eastern conflicts to maintain relations with Islamic states, and recognition of Israel required Madrid to address the reactions of its Arab partners.[10] The diplomatic opening followed debate within the Spanish government and outreach to Arab League members.[1] Felipe González had come to power four years before recognition on a platform that included opening relations with Israel, and he maintained that commitment despite questions about whether renewed Palestine Liberation Organization terrorism would cause him to retreat.[14]

Israel and Spain established full diplomatic relations on January 17, 1986, when Spain officially recognized Israel.[1][1] The opening took place in The Hague, where González and Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres held a joint news conference.[14] Spain was the last Western European state other than Vatican City to open formal ties with Israel.[1] The establishment of ties was linked to Spain’s admission to the European Community under González’s government.[1]

Recognition proceeded despite pressure from Arab states and continuing policy differences between Madrid and Jerusalem over the Palestinian question.[9] Spain coupled its diplomatic opening with a pledge to maintain traditional relations “of friendship and solidarity toward the Arab world, closely linked to Spain by shared bonds of history and culture.”[1] In August 1986, it accorded diplomatic status to the PLO mission in Madrid, following widespread Arab criticism of the establishment of relations with Israel.[10]

Shmuel Hadas became Israel’s first ambassador to Spain.[15] Born in Argentina and raised in Israel, he had served in diplomatic postings in Mexico, Colombia, and Bolivia before taking the Spanish appointment.[15] A 1993 study by the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs describes recognition as shifting the relationship’s principal channel from cultural contacts to government institutions.[3] The study identifies visits to Spain in 1989–90 by Yitzhak Shamir, Moshe Arens, Ezer Weizman, and Ariel Sharon, alongside agreements covering cultural exchange, scientific and technological cooperation, and free trade.[3]

Spain hosted the Madrid Peace Conference, which opened on October 30, 1991, and lasted three days, with the United States and the Soviet Union serving as co-sponsors.[4] The conference’s opening forum was designed to inaugurate separate but parallel bilateral and multilateral negotiating tracks; it had no authority to impose solutions or veto agreements.[4]

The bilateral track began on November 3 with the first direct talks between Israel and its immediate Arab neighbors, comprising separate Israeli-Palestinian, Israeli-Jordanian, Israeli-Syrian, and Israeli-Lebanese negotiations.[4] The framework envisaged peace treaties between Israel and Arab states, while the Palestinian track was structured around five years of interim self-government arrangements followed by permanent-status negotiations.[4] Multilateral negotiations opened in Moscow in January 1992, with working groups addressing water, the environment, arms control, refugees, and economic development as areas for regional cooperation and confidence-building.[4]

On March 31, 1992, King Juan Carlos I attended a synagogue ceremony with President Chaim Herzog marking the 500th anniversary of the expulsion of Jews from Spain.[2] His statement that Jews “were at home” in Spain gave the commemoration a message of belonging alongside its remembrance of expulsion.[2] In a 1993 address to the Knesset, the king discussed Jewish life in Spain during the Roman and Visigothic periods and the contributions of medieval Jewish writers and scholars, including Yehuda Halevi, Moshe ibn-Ezra, Maimonides, and Benjamin of Tudela.[16]

The 1993 speech also emphasized shared parliamentary institutions, progress in contacts and cooperation, and the importance of Mediterranean cooperation and peaceful coexistence.[16] Felipe VI visited Israel twice, with his most recent visit reported as taking place in 2011 for the 25th anniversary of diplomatic relations.[17]

President Reuven Rivlin’s 2017 state visit to Spain was the first visit by an Israeli head of state in 25 years.[2] Madrid’s mayor presented him with the city’s keys, King Felipe VI hosted a dinner, and Rivlin and Spanish leader Mariano Rajoy signed a cooperation agreement.[2] Isaac Querub, then president of the Federation of Jewish Communities of Spain, identified agriculture and technology as fields of cooperation and noted that both countries faced water scarcity.[2]

Israeli companies participated in Spanish defense procurement and energy development before the later deterioration in political relations.[7] In October 2015, Spain announced a €22.5 million rifle-cartridge contract with Israel Military Industries.[7] In 2018, Israeli company Enlight Renewable Energy signed a €409 million agreement to build a 350-megawatt wind farm in Castilla-La Mancha.[7]

A pharmaceutical agreement during Spain’s COVID-19 crisis illustrated another area of cooperation.[11] In April 2020, Israeli company Wavelength agreed to supply Spain with a much larger quantity of cisatracurium, a drug used in connection with ventilator treatment, than it had previously sold to the country.[11] The Israeli Embassy’s Economic Mission, led by Liat Shaham, helped arrange the agreement, signed in mid-April.[11] Spain paid in advance so that Wavelength could upgrade its production line, and Shaham described the countries’ economies as complementary and the agreement as an example of further commercial potential.[11]

In June 2007, Spain’s Foreign Affairs and Cooperation Ministry established Casa Sefarad-Israel in Madrid as a government-financed cultural and educational center.[7] Its purposes included fostering understanding of Jewish history and culture, promoting Sephardi culture as part of Spanish culture, and strengthening ties between Spanish and Israeli societies.[7] Its educational work also covered the Holocaust and Israel.[18]

Spain introduced a citizenship law in 2015 for descendants of Sephardic Jews expelled from Spain.[7] Applicants had to establish Sephardic descent, demonstrate Spanish-language ability, and pass a citizenship test.[7] By 2021, Spain had received at least 153,000 applications and had granted citizenship to 36,000 applicants.[7]

Academic cooperation became subject to restrictions during the Gaza war.[19] On May 9, 2024, Spain’s university rectors announced that agreements with Israeli universities and research centers not committed to peace and compliance with international humanitarian law would be suspended; they also expressed an intention to strengthen cooperation with Palestinian higher-education institutions.[19] On May 17, the University of Granada announced that it would suspend all collaboration with Israeli universities and institutions until Israeli military operations in Gaza ceased.[19]

Commercial relations also became a target of Spanish government initiatives in May 2024, when companies doing business with Israel were urged to consider the effects of their ties on Palestinians and consult human-rights experts.[20] The economy and foreign ministries said they had not been consulted beforehand, while a foreign-ministry spokesperson affirmed that Israel and its people were friends of Spain and the Spanish people.[20]

Spain’s government condemned the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 terrorist attack on Israel. Tensions subsequently developed as Spanish ministers criticized Israel’s military campaign in Gaza.[17][5] In November 2023, Israel reprimanded Spain’s ambassador after Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez criticized Israel’s conduct and called for recognition of a Palestinian state.[5] Spain’s parliament had previously voted 319–2 in 2014 for a symbolic measure urging recognition and presenting two independent states coexisting as the route to peace.[7]

On May 22, 2024, Spain, Ireland, and Norway announced plans to recognize a Palestinian state, prompting Israel to recall its ambassadors and condemn the decision as rewarding terrorism after the October 7 attacks.[7] The following day, Israel summoned the three countries’ ambassadors for a reprimand and showed them footage of the abduction of female observers from the Nahal Oz base.[21] Spanish ambassador Ana Salomón Pérez called the video “shocking” and “unbelievable,” affirmed that Spain was a friend of Israel, and denied that Israel had threatened to send her home.[21]

Spain formally recognized a Palestinian state on May 28, specifying the 1967 lines, East Jerusalem as its capital, and the inclusion of the Gaza Strip.[22] Sánchez said recognition was intended to contribute to peace between Israelis and Palestinians and that Spain would not recognize changes to the 1967 borders unless the parties agreed to them.[22][23] He presented recognition as a means of advancing toward a Palestinian state living alongside Israel in peace and security.[7] Israel responded by barring Spain’s Jerusalem consulate from providing consular services to Palestinian Authority residents, with the restriction due to take effect on June 1.[23]

On June 6, Spain requested participation in South Africa’s International Court of Justice case concerning alleged violations of the Genocide Convention in Gaza, becoming the first European country to make such a request.[5] In September, Spain hosted Norwegian, Slovenian, European Union, and Arab-Islamic Contact Group for Gaza officials to discuss ending the war and advancing the peace process.[7] Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares called for a concrete timeline for a two-state solution; Israel was not invited, although Albares expressed hope that it would participate in future discussions.[7]

Spain’s restrictions on shipping extended the dispute beyond bilateral diplomatic exchanges.[12] It denied Algeciras port access to three U.S.-flagged Maritime Security Program vessels: the Maersk Denver and Maersk Nysted on November 9, 2024, and the Maersk Seletar on November 14.[12] The refusals were reportedly connected to cargo bound for or coming from Israel, with Spain reportedly citing European Union regulations.[12] Spain justified such denials through its sovereign authority over ports and its interpretation of Spanish, European Union, and international law.[12]

Arms procurement generated both cancellations and reversals.[7] In October 2024, Spain canceled a contract worth approximately $7 million for 15 million 9mm pistol rounds, signed on October 22 with Guardian Defense & Homeland Security, a Spanish company controlled by Israeli Guardian Holdings.[24] The Interior Ministry also said Israeli companies would be excluded from future tenders while the Gaza war continued.[24] In April 2025, however, the government reversed its pledge to cancel a €6.6 million Guardian ammunition contract, citing legal advice that cancellation could require payment without delivery; coalition partner Sumar demanded that the reversal be undone.[7]

A May 2025 account counted 46 Spanish government military contracts worth more than €1 billion awarded to Israeli defense companies since October 7, 2023, with ten contracts still pending as of April 2025, including SILAM rocket-launcher and Spike missile deals.[7] A September report placed the value of recently canceled Spanish defense deals with Rafael and Elbit Systems at roughly €600 million.[25] These included more than €200 million for Rafael Litening 5 targeting pods, a €250 million Spike missile order, and a PULS rocket-system agreement involving Elbit and two Spanish companies, with Elbit’s share reported at approximately €140 million.[25]

Spain announced a new package of measures on September 8, 2025, including restrictions on ships and aircraft carrying weapons to Israel and tankers carrying fuel for the Israeli military through Spanish ports or airspace.[12] The broader package included measures affecting settlement goods and consular services, and a pledge of €150 million in Gaza aid by 2026.[7] Spain also restricted exports of key raw materials, while Spain and Italy sent naval vessels to escort the Sumud flotilla from Barcelona.[25]

On October 8, 2025, Spain’s parliament approved legislation enshrining an arms embargo by 178 votes to 169.[26] The law prohibited exports to Israel and imports from Israel of defense equipment, products, or technology, as well as transit of aviation fuel with potential military use and advertising of products from Israeli settlements.[26] It allowed exceptions for dual-use defense equipment when applying the ban would harm general national interests.[26]

The diplomatic rift deepened through reciprocal measures against ministers and ambassadors.[6] Following Israeli sanctions on Spanish Deputy Prime Minister Yolanda Díaz and Youth and Children Minister Sira Rego, Spain recalled its ambassador and announced entry bans on Israeli ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich.[6]

In March 2026, Spain formally withdrew Ambassador Ana María Salomón Pérez’s appointment, leaving its Tel Aviv embassy under a chargé d’affaires for the foreseeable future.[6] Further tensions concerned Spain’s opposition to Israeli and U.S. strikes on Iran.[6] Israel’s embassy in Spain was also being led by a chargé d’affaires following the recall of its ambassador in May 2024.[7]

On April 10, 2026, Israel announced that Spanish representatives would no longer participate in the Civil-Military Coordination Center in Kiryat Gat, a multinational center described as part of a U.S. peace plan for Gaza.[27] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar justified the exclusion by citing what they characterized as anti-Israel conduct by Spain’s government.[27] Spain had also opposed the Israeli-U.S. strikes on Iran and restricted U.S. use of Spanish bases.[6]

The 1986 opening shifted a relationship previously carried through Jewish communities, cultural associations, and discreet contacts into formal government channels.[8][3] Its subsequent institutions linked contemporary Israeli-Spanish cooperation with the history of Jewish life in Spain, particularly through royal commemorations and Casa Sefarad-Israel’s promotion of Sephardi culture as part of Spanish culture.[2][7]

Spain’s role as host of the Madrid conference connected the bilateral relationship to a wider diplomatic framework encompassing Israel’s Arab neighbors, the Palestinians, and regional issues such as water and economic development.[4] Cooperation in renewable energy and the emergency pharmaceutical agreement during COVID-19 demonstrated practical economic and medical dimensions beyond ceremonial diplomacy.[7][11]

In an October 2026 assessment ahead of Spain’s scheduled November 29 general election, the American Jewish Committee characterized the relationship as having deteriorated sharply since October 7, 2023, and Sánchez as one of Israel’s most vocal European critics.[28] Its assessment treated any improvement following a change of government as uncertain and dependent on the composition of a future governing coalition.[28]

The principal disputes concern Palestinian recognition, the Gaza war, international legal proceedings, and restrictions on military trade.[5][26] Spain presented Palestinian recognition as a step toward peaceful coexistence, while Israel characterized it as rewarding Hamas’s terrorism.[7][22] Spain’s government described Israel’s Gaza campaign as genocide in the preamble to its arms-embargo legislation; Israel vehemently denied committing genocide, and Sa’ar condemned Spain’s broader measures as antisemitic and politically motivated.[7][26]

Other controversies have involved political rhetoric and local institutions.[7][5] Díaz used the phrase “Palestine will be free from the river to the sea” in a May 24, 2024 video, a slogan whose meaning and implications are politically contested.[5] Barcelona’s mayor announced a suspension of institutional relations with Israel, citing alleged Palestinian human-rights violations; Israel’s Foreign Ministry called the decision unfortunate and said it conflicted with the position of most residents and city-council representatives.[7]

Antisemitism has also affected diplomatic perceptions: outgoing Israeli ambassador Raphael Schutz said his experience of hatred and antisemitism in Spanish society was something he would take away from his four years there.[29] He nevertheless also described positive experiences and said, “Relations between our two countries are just beginning.”[29]