Greece–Palestine Relations

Greek policy toward the Palestinians developed within Athens’s broader interest in the Middle East, which the U.S. State Department linked to Greece’s geographic position and economic and historical ties. The same profile characterized Greece as traditionally supportive of Palestinian claims, while noting that efforts to establish a more balanced relationship with Israel gained momentum from the late 1990s.[2] An encyclopedic account describes Greece as usually supporting the Arab side in UN disputes and says it was the only European country to vote against the 1947 UN partition plan for Palestine; these are historical characterizations, not descriptions of every later Greek position.[7]

During the 1970s and 1980s, Greece’s governments increasingly expressed solidarity with Palestinians. Under Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou, Greece aligned closely with Arab states and became a strong European supporter of the PLO. An INSS account describes Greece at the time as among Israel’s harshest European critics, closely aligned with Arab states, and actively supportive of the Palestinian cause.[1] In 1982, PLO chairman Yasser Arafat arrived near Athens aboard the Greek cruise ship Atlantis after leaving Beirut. An opinion account reports that Papandreou and Greek Socialist Party colleagues welcomed him at the dock, where a Greek naval honor guard was present.[8]

A 1984 internal American Jewish Committee memo described Greece as viewing itself as a bridge between Europe and the Arab world. It reported that, despite improving prospects for diplomatic relations with Israel, Greek official policy would remain in favor of a Palestinian state in the West Bank — known by its original, indigenous Jewish name of Judea and Samaria — and the Gaza Strip.[9] In a 1986 article, American Jewish Committee official David A. Harris wrote that Greece accorded the PLO de facto recognition in 1981 and became the first European Economic Community member state to extend full diplomatic recognition to it in 1984. Harris interpreted these steps as putting Israel and the PLO on equal diplomatic footing; that was his assessment of their significance.[10]

Harris also reported that Greece voted in 1985 for a UN resolution calling on member states to sever diplomatic, trade, and cultural relations with Israel. In his tabulation of selected UN votes affecting Israel, Greece’s “non-negative” vote share was 33%, compared with a 73% average for 23 Western nations, though he said Greece’s figure had improved from 1984.[10] These figures and interpretations reflect the article’s particular perspective and selection of votes.

Greek policy began shifting toward closer relations with Israel in the mid-1990s. One account identifies 1995 as the start of policy change and cites Greece’s wish to strengthen its deterrent position vis-à-vis Turkey, improved U.S.–Greek relations, progress in Middle East peace negotiations, and Papandreou’s death in June 1996 as contributing factors.[11] A U.S. government profile similarly says the effort to build a more balanced relationship with Israel gained momentum from the late 1990s. It also notes that Greek leaders hosted meetings between Israeli and Palestinian politicians intended to contribute to the peace process.[2]

Greek-Israeli relations had additional strategic complications. The State Department profile says they were affected by Israel’s strategic cooperation with Turkey, and reports that Greece had signed defense cooperation agreements with both Israel and Egypt since 1994. It identifies Israeli President Moshe Katsav’s 2006 visit as the first official visit to Greece by an Israeli head of state.[2] A later interview with former Greek prime minister George Papandreou characterized relations with Israel before 2010 as cool and said ties strengthened after his visit to Israel and reciprocal visits; Papandreou also described Greece as maintaining contacts with Fatah and with the Palestinian Initiative led by Mustafa Barghouti.[12]

Greece’s diplomatic engagement with Palestinian representatives has included formal representation and contact through consular channels. A 2003 account said Greece called its Palestinian office the “Diplomatic Representation of Palestine,” rather than a “Palestinian General Delegation.” It also reported that Greece and six other European Union states maintained contact with the Palestinian Authority through Jerusalem-based consulates that reported to their foreign ministries.[13] In the first months of 2011, Greece upgraded the Palestinian diplomatic delegation in the country. The report situated the decision among European steps ahead of Palestinian efforts to seek recognition at the United Nations; it did not say that Greece thereby recognized Palestine as a state.[3]

Greece’s positions in international organizations have varied by vote and issue. In October 2011, Greece abstained when the UNESCO Executive Board recommended that the General Conference admit Palestine as a member. The board’s tally was 40 in favor, four against, and 14 abstentions.[14] A separate account of the later UNESCO membership vote lists Greece among 107 states voting in favor, with 14 against, 52 abstentions, and 21 absent; that article presents the vote critically.[15] The two votes concerned different stages of the UNESCO process and should not be treated as a single vote or as a complete measure of Greek policy.

In 2012, Greece voted in favor of the UN General Assembly resolution granting Palestine non-member observer-state status.[16] In a separate 2015 vote on raising the flags of non-member observer states at the UN, Greece abstained.[16] Greece also appeared among the states submitting the 2015 draft resolution “Assistance to the Palestinian people,” which became General Assembly resolution A/RES/70/108.[17]

The question of formal recognition remained distinct from these votes and diplomatic steps. In June 2015, Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias said Greek public administration had been instructed to use the name “Palestine” when referring to the country. He and Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki discussed a memorandum of understanding on political consultations, and Kotzias said Greece would increase financial assistance to Palestinian students and supported a two-state solution. The report explicitly noted that Greece had not then granted full official recognition to a Palestinian state.[18]

During Mahmoud Abbas’s December 2015 visit, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras said Greek official documents would refer to “Palestine” rather than the Palestinian Authority. Greece’s parliament unanimously approved a nonbinding resolution urging the government to pursue procedures for recognizing a Palestinian state and diplomatic efforts to restart peace talks. The resolution did not itself amount to recognition by the Greek government; Tsipras said Greece would decide on recognition at an appropriate time, taking account of relations with Arab peoples and cooperation with Israel.[19] Abbas met President Prokopis Pavlopoulos and addressed parliament during the visit.[4]

Reports surrounding the 2015 parliamentary action used varying formulations. One contemporary report said a parliamentary committee had approved a proposal and described formal recognition as expected, but did not establish the outcome of the planned session.[20] In June 2016, a report attributed to the governing Syriza party a statement that recognition would come “soon,” while noting that no timeframe was given and that the earlier parliamentary resolution was nonbinding.[21] These reports document political proposals and statements, not completed recognition. The available sources do not establish a reliable date or status for Greece’s formal recognition of the State of Palestine.

In September 2024, Greece supported a UN General Assembly resolution calling on Israel to end its presence in Palestinian territory within 12 months. An INSS analysis suggested the vote was likely influenced by Greece’s stated commitment to international law and its impending non-permanent membership on the Security Council.[1] In May 2024, Greece also voted for a General Assembly resolution granting Palestinians rights and privileges similar to those of a member state; the vote did not make Palestine a UN member, as membership requires a Security Council process.[22] The wording and legal implications of these resolutions are politically contested, and the votes should be distinguished from formal bilateral recognition.

During the Israel–Hamas war, Greek policy combined humanitarian measures and support for a two-state solution with statements concerning Israel’s security and Greece’s strategic ties. In November 2023, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis met Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Ibrahim Shtayyeh before attending the Paris humanitarian conference on Gaza. Mitsotakis expressed Greece’s determination to help establish a humanitarian corridor and reiterated its “longstanding support for a two-state solution.”[5]

Greece began delivering humanitarian aid to Gaza’s civilian population via Egypt in November 2023. An analysis associated the government’s increased emphasis on the humanitarian dimension both with changes in EU foreign-policy direction and with Greek domestic public opinion.[5] A survey conducted in Greece in early November found that 46.3% of respondents did not favor the government’s position on the war, while 34.8% agreed with it.[5] On November 16, Foreign Minister George Gerapetritis visited the West Bank to meet Palestinian officials.[5]

Greek voting at the UN shifted over the first months of the war. Greece abstained on October 26, 2023, from a General Assembly resolution calling for an “immediate, durable and sustained humanitarian truce” between Israeli forces and Hamas. On December 12, it voted for a subsequent resolution demanding an immediate humanitarian ceasefire; an analysis described this as a change of position that partly aligned Greece with most EU member states.[5]

A 2025 analysis characterized Greece’s UN stance during the war as balanced: it reported that Greece supported Israel’s right to self-defense while focusing on Gaza’s humanitarian crisis and advocating a two-state solution. The same analysis says Greece supported December 2024 UN resolutions concerning a Gaza ceasefire, hostage release, and UNRWA, while abstaining on a December 19 resolution concerning an International Court of Justice advisory opinion on assistance to Palestinians.[6] At the UN General Assembly in September 2025, Mitsotakis said Greece maintained a strategic partnership with Israel, while warning that Israel’s course in Gaza risked eroding international support and undermining the possibility of a two-state solution. Greece did not join the European countries announcing recognition of a Palestinian state that week.[23]

Humanitarian cooperation also featured in U.S.–Greek relations. A 2024 U.S.–Greece Strategic Dialogue statement expressed U.S. appreciation for Greek humanitarian aid to Gaza and separately noted Greece’s strong support for Israel. It also cited Greece’s participation in Operation Prosperity Guardian and its leading role in the EU maritime operation EUNAVFOR Aspides.[24] In August 2025, Greece’s foreign minister joined counterparts from 23 other countries in a statement calling for expanded humanitarian access to Gaza. The signatories called on Israel to allow international nongovernmental aid organizations to operate, open all crossings and routes for aid, and protect civilians and aid workers at distribution sites.[25]

The war also affected reported defense-industry plans. In September 2025, a report said Greece was interested in a deal worth roughly €700 million with Israel involving Elbit Systems’ PULS rocket system and munitions, but that the Gaza war was contributing to delays. Greek officials were described as cautious about appearing to manufacture offensive weapons during the conflict; the report also said Greece’s multi-layered Achilles Shield program was being delayed amid regional issues including the war.[26]

References to ancient Athens and Palestine concern the ancient city and a historical region, not diplomatic relations between the modern Greek state and Palestinian institutions. An account of Athens traces connections to the beginning of the sixth century BCE and describes archaeological evidence of Athenian economic influence in the region during the Persian era, as well as later recorded contacts between Athens and the Hasmonean state.[27] These ancient connections are a separate historical subject from Greece’s modern diplomacy, which is documented through its relations with the PLO, Palestinian representatives, the Palestinian Authority, and UN processes.