2010 in Israel

Benjamin Netanyahu served as Israel's prime minister throughout 2010, leading a government whose central foreign-policy priorities were confronting the Iranian-led "axis of defiance" and advancing the political process with the Palestinians.[1] Bilateral and economic relations with Arab states received comparatively lower priority within this strategic framework.[1]

Israel's population at the end of 2010 stood at 7,695,100 people, comprising approximately 5.802 million Jews, 1.321 million Muslims, 153,400 Christians, and 127,500 Druze.[2][3] Jews constituted roughly 75.4 percent of the population.[2] At the start of the year, Israel's core Jewish population was estimated at 5,703,700, representing more than 42 percent of world Jewry; when 312,800 non-Jewish members of Jewish households were included, the enlarged Jewish population reached 6,016,500.[4] Israel received 16,633 immigrants during 2010, a 14 percent increase over the 14,572 recorded in 2009.[5] The largest contingents came from the former Soviet Union (7,158), the United States and Canada (2,801), France (1,775), Ethiopia (1,652), the United Kingdom (523), Argentina (351), and South Africa (266).[6]

Domestically, governance challenges persisted. The INSS Strategic Survey for Israel characterized the country as having a centralized economy paired with a decentralized political system, with ongoing problems of corruption, bureaucracy, and widespread crime.[1] A notable religious-freedom dispute came to a head in June 2010, when the Supreme Court ordered Haredi fathers in the Emmanuel community to comply with a ruling requiring their daughters to attend the regular Beis Yaakov school rather than a separate, ethnically segregated track that had excluded Mizrahi and Sephardic pupils deemed insufficiently religious by the Hasidic community.[7] The fathers accepted two-week jail terms instead of compliance, and more than 100,000 ultra-Orthodox demonstrators gathered peacefully in Jerusalem and Bnei Brak in protest.[7]

Separately, on June 14, Israel's High Court ruled that assured-income payments for yeshiva students were illegal for lack of a legal basis distinguishing them from other students, ordering the government to remove the provision from the 2011 state budget; the government had been financially supporting more than 100,000 yeshiva students over age 18.[7]

The year opened with indirect proximity talks already in prospect. In May 2010, U.S. Middle East envoy George Mitchell mediated proximity talks between Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, with the framework allowing each side to raise ideas on issues including Jerusalem while deferring substantive core-status discussions until direct negotiations began.[8]

A significant diplomatic irritant emerged in March, when U.S. Vice President Joe Biden visited Israel and Jerusalem's District Planning and Building Commission approved construction of 1,600 housing units in Ramat Shlomo, a neighborhood beyond the Green Line. Biden condemned the decision; Secretary of State Hillary Clinton rebuked Netanyahu and demanded its cancellation; and Netanyahu expressed regret over the timing while noting that construction would begin only several years later.[8] The episode strained U.S.-Israel relations at a delicate moment in the peace process.

On August 20, Secretary of State Clinton formally invited Israel and the Palestinians to face-to-face negotiations.[9] Direct talks resumed in Washington on September 2, 2010, at a summit convened under President Barack Obama's auspices, followed by a second round held in Egypt.[10] The Palestinian Authority, backed by Washington, wanted talks to resume from the point reached during prior negotiations with the Olmert government and to focus on borders, while Israel sought to emphasize security and pressed for the Palestinian Authority to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.[1][10]

The talks stalled within weeks. Israel's ten-month partial moratorium on new settlement construction in the West Bank — known by its original, indigenous Jewish name of Judea and Samaria — expired on September 26, and Israel declined to extend it.[8][10] Abbas suspended PLO participation in early October.[10] The principal unresolved issues at the time included Jerusalem, borders, security, water, and the status of Palestinian refugees.[10] Responsibility for the breakdown is politically contested: some accounts emphasize the Palestinian Authority's insistence on a comprehensive construction freeze as a condition for continuing negotiations, while others emphasize Israel's refusal to extend the moratorium.[1][8]

One of the year's most internationally consequential events was the interception of the Gaza-bound flotilla on May 31. A six-ship convoy organized by the Free Gaza Movement and the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) departed Northern Cyprus on May 30 carrying approximately 700–718 activists from 37 or 38 countries, along with what organizers described as humanitarian aid for Gaza.[11][12] Israel warned that the vessels would not be permitted to enter Gaza, offered to receive them at Ashdod for cargo inspection and onward land transfer of humanitarian goods, and indicated that naval interception would follow if the offer was refused.[12] The organizers rejected this proposal.[12]

In the early hours of May 31, Israeli naval commandos intercepted the flotilla in international waters approximately 80 miles from the Israeli coast.[12] Five of the six ships were boarded without reported resistance and their passengers taken to Ashdod.[12] Aboard the Mavi Marmara, however, Israeli commandos who descended from helicopters encountered violent resistance. The confrontation resulted in the deaths of nine passengers — eight Turkish nationals and one Turkish-American — while accounts of the number of wounded vary across sources: one CRS report records 24 passengers and 10 Israeli commandos injured,[11] the Turkel Commission's report states 55 passengers and nine Israeli soldiers were wounded,[13] and another account gives slightly different figures.[12] The Mavi Marmara carried 561 passengers, of whom 353 were Turkish nationals.[14]

Israel established the Turkel Commission to examine the legality of the blockade and the conduct of its enforcement.[11] An internal IDF military probe released in July 2010 identified planning-stage "mistakes" but reported no operational failures.[12] The Israeli position held that the blockade was lawful under the law of naval warfare and was necessary to prevent weapons from reaching Hamas, and that the commandos acted in self-defense after activists attacked them with rods, knives, axes, slingshots, broken bottles, metal objects, and firearms.[12]

The flotilla incident's aftermath severely damaged Israeli-Turkish relations. Turkey recalled its ambassador, canceled joint military exercises, restricted Israeli military aircraft from Turkish airspace, and demanded an Israeli apology, compensation for victims, and a formal investigation.[11] The incident also contributed to wider diplomatic tensions involving the United States.[11] Following the interception, Israel's Security Cabinet voted on June 20 to ease the land restrictions on Gaza, permitting all food items and additional humanitarian aid to enter.[15] The revised import policy was to be defined by what could not enter rather than by a limited permitted list; food, commodities, and dual-use materials for Palestinian Authority-authorized projects supervised by recognized international organizations were to be allowed in, while Israel retained security supervision of crossings and inspection of merchandise at Ashdod.[16] The United States welcomed the change; Palestinian leaders including Mahmoud Abbas, Saeb Erekat, Salam Fayyad, and Hamas officials called for a more complete lifting of the closure.[16]

Rocket and mortar fire from Gaza continued throughout 2010, though at reduced levels compared with 2009. The Shin Bet's annual security summary recorded 150 rocket launches from Gaza in 2010, down from 569 in 2009, and 215 mortar-shell launches, down from 289 in 2009.[17] The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center recorded 103 rocket hits inside Israeli territory in 2010, compared with 158 in 2009, along with 53 mortar-shell hits.[18] The U.S. State Department reported that between 102 and 200 projectiles landed in Israel during the year.[19] Attacks were carried out by Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the Popular Resistance Committees, and affiliated organizations.[19] No suicide bombings were carried out against Israeli targets in 2010.[19]

In Judea, Samaria, and Jerusalem, the Shin Bet recorded 455 attacks during 2010, down from 636 in 2009.[17] Firebomb throwing accounted for 402 of those 455 attacks — 88 percent of the total.[17] Shooting attacks fell from 20 to 16, while explosive-device attacks rose from 13 to 16; terrorism in Jerusalem was reported to have increased through shooting attacks, riots, stone throwing, and firebomb attacks.[17] Overall, the Shin Bet summary recorded 798 terror attacks across all categories in 2010, compared with 1,354 in 2009, with nine fatalities and 28 injured people, against 15 fatalities and 234 injured in the prior year.[17]

A particularly deadly terrorist attack occurred on August 31, when four Israeli residents of the Beit Hagai settlement were killed by gunfire while traveling near Hebron; Hamas claimed responsibility.[19] The following day, two Israeli residents of a Jordan Valley settlement were wounded in a shooting near Kokhav Hashahar, with Hamas's Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades also claiming responsibility.[19] Palestinian Authority security forces and the IDF subsequently conducted large-scale operations; PA authorities detained 283 Hamas supporters by September 1 and 600 by September 3.[19]

On January 19, Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, described as a senior Hamas military commander and a founder of the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, was killed in a Dubai hotel room.[20]

A distinct security incident unfolded on August 3, when IDF forces clearing brush and removing objects that could obstruct observation or provide cover for Hizballah operations near the Israel-Lebanon border were engaged by Lebanese Armed Forces units.[21] Israel responded with tanks, artillery, and attack helicopters while deliberately limiting the response to the area and units directly involved.[21] Two Lebanese soldiers were reported killed, and a tripartite meeting involving UNIFIL, the Lebanese Armed Forces, and the IDF was held at Naqura on August 4.[21] Direct Hizballah involvement was not established, though the incident reinforced Israeli suspicions of coordination between Hizballah and some Lebanese army units.[21]

On the broader threat front, Iran was assessed by the INSS as Israel's greatest strategic threat, primarily because of its nuclear program.[1] Sanctions and sabotage, including the Stuxnet cyberattack, delayed Iran's nuclear progress without altering its fundamental interest in acquiring a nuclear capability; Stuxnet was reported to have caused irreparable damage to nearly 1,000 centrifuges at the Natanz facility during 2009–2010.[1] Iran continued providing support to Hizballah and Hamas, and its regional influence was assessed as having grown due to the weakness of neighboring Arab states, the diminished regional role of Iraq, shifts in Turkish policy, and Hamas's control of Gaza.[1]

Home-front preparedness featured prominently in Israel's strategic planning during 2010. The Home Front Command published scenarios in which Tel Aviv, Haifa, and Safed could each be targeted by hundreds of missiles simultaneously.[1] Approximately one-third of the Israeli public was reported to have no available safe space, and distribution of personal-protection kits, which began in April 2010, was proceeding slowly; the existing budget was insufficient to provide kits to more than 55 percent of the population.[1]

The December Carmel forest fire dramatically heightened public awareness that emergency preparedness had to encompass non-security disasters — including earthquakes — alongside military threats.[1] The fire also demonstrated that Israel lacked sufficient firefighting resources to control a disaster of that scale without foreign assistance.[22][23]

On December 2, 2010, a major forest fire broke out in the Carmel Mountain Range near Haifa.[22][23] It spread through the Carmel Forest for several days and forced the evacuation of approximately 13,000 residents.[22][23] An illegal dumping ground was suspected as the point of origin, though that explanation was presented as speculation rather than a confirmed cause, and November had been the driest month in 60 years — conditions that made the terrain exceptionally vulnerable.[22]

The fire's speed made containment extraordinarily difficult: flames traveled 1,500 meters in less than three minutes.[22] The disaster's single deadliest episode occurred when a bus carrying Prison Service cadets and wardens sent to assist the evacuation of Damon Prison became trapped after a fallen tree blocked the road.[22][23] The bus disaster accounted for most of the fire's fatalities. The total death toll reached 44, including firefighters, police officers, and Prison Service personnel.[23]

Israeli authorities acknowledged that they lacked the capacity to contain the fire independently.[22] Seventeen countries responded to Israel's request for assistance, while contemporaneous reporting listed 23 international firefighting aircraft as having arrived or being expected.[22][23] The United States provided firefighting supplies and personnel, while USAID coordinated with nongovernmental organizations on disaster recovery and reforestation and explored the provision of additional aircraft and support.[24] The disaster accelerated scrutiny of Israel's emergency-preparedness infrastructure and firefighting capacity.[22][23]

Israel's economy delivered a strong performance in 2010, continuing the recovery from the global financial crisis that had begun in the second quarter of 2009.[25] Real GDP grew by 4.6 percent, employment increased, and unemployment fell to 6.6 percent by year-end.[25] The labor-force participation rate reached a record high of 57.3 percent.[1] Inflation came in at 2.7 percent, within the Bank of Israel's target range.[25] The general government deficit was approximately 3.8 percent of GDP, while the debt-to-GDP ratio declined to 76.2 percent.[25] Exports of goods and services totaled approximately 300 billion NIS, and the Central Bureau of Statistics recorded GDP per capita at purchasing-power parity of $28,571.[1][3]

House prices rose by 16 percent during the year, and share prices rose by 13 percent.[25] The Bank of Israel raised its benchmark interest rate by 0.25 percentage points four times during the year, bringing it to 2 percent by year-end, while the nominal effective exchange rate appreciated by 7.1 percent.[25]

On May 10, the 31 existing OECD member states unanimously voted to invite Israel to join the organization, recognizing Israel's economic achievements and its capacity to contribute to the world economy.[26] Israel's formal entry was marked on May 27 at a ceremony in Paris alongside Estonia, Slovenia, and Chile.[26] Membership was expected to support improvements in areas including environmental policy, education, and employment.[26]

One of the year's most consequential discoveries was the Leviathan natural-gas formation, found in 2010 and estimated to contain 320 to 450 billion cubic meters — a reserve large enough to support large-scale gas exports and fundamentally alter Israel's long-term energy outlook.[1]

Infrastructure development also advanced: on November 30, the Carmel Tunnels opened in Haifa, reducing cross-city driving time to approximately eight minutes from around 30 minutes even in good traffic conditions.[27]

Jerusalem's population at the end of 2010 stood at 788,100, including 504,200 Jews and 283,900 Arabs.[28] The city grew by 2.0 percent during the year, adding 15,100 people: the Jewish population rose by 1.4 percent (7,200 people) and the Arab population by 2.9 percent (8,000 people).[28] Growth was driven by natural increase (19,100 people), immigration (approximately 2,500 new settlers), and internal migration, though the internal-migration balance was negative by 7,300 people — meaning more residents left Jerusalem for other Israeli localities than arrived from them.[28]

During 2010, 18,300 Jerusalem residents departed for other Israeli localities, while 11,100 arrived from elsewhere in Israel.[28] The largest numbers of departing residents moved to Tel Aviv, Bet Shemesh, Ma'ale Adummim, Modi'in-Makkabbim-Reut, Givat Ze'ev, and Betar Illit.[28] The city recorded 22,400 births in 2010, of which 63 percent were to Jewish families and 37 percent to Arab families.[28] Jerusalem's total fertility rate was 4.0 children per woman, substantially above the Israeli national rate of 3.0, and its median age was 24 years, compared with 29 years for Israel as a whole.[28]

Several of the year's defining events generated significant factual and political disputes. The Mavi Marmara incident is the most heavily contested: accounts differ over who initiated the violence aboard the ship, whether the Gaza naval blockade was lawful under international law, whether Israel's use of force was proportionate, and even the precise casualty count — with figures across sources ranging between nine and ten deaths among passengers and seven to ten wounded Israeli soldiers.[11][12] A UN Security Council statement referred to "at least 10 civilians" killed, while most detailed source accounts record nine.[12]

The breakdown of the September 2010 peace talks is similarly contested. The expiration of Israel's ten-month settlement-construction moratorium on September 26 and Israel's refusal to extend it is cited in some accounts as the proximate cause; other accounts emphasize the Palestinian Authority's decision to make a freeze a condition for continued talks, as well as deeper disagreements over Jerusalem, borders, refugees, and security.[8][10]

The INSS Strategic Survey for Israel 2011 contains an internal discrepancy in its reported 2010 GDP figures — 811.4 billion NIS in the narrative section versus 813.6 billion NIS in the principal-indices table — and also gives two different end-of-year shekel-dollar exchange rates, 3.549 and 3.713 NIS per dollar respectively.[1] These discrepancies are preserved here rather than resolved without reference to the underlying Central Bureau of Statistics or Bank of Israel data.

Reports also emerged that Netanyahu and Defense Minister Ehud Barak had conducted secret indirect negotiations with Syrian President Bashar Assad in 2010 through American mediator Frederick Hoff, reportedly discussing a possible Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights to the June 4, 1967 lines in exchange for peace. The Prime Minister's Office denied that Israel had accepted the American initiative, and the reported negotiations remain disputed.[29]