01In brief
Kafr Aqab is an Arab neighborhood at the northern edge of Jerusalem, situated approximately 13 kilometers from the city center and about 4 kilometers from Ramallah. Originally a small village, its western section was incorporated into Jerusalem's expanded municipal jurisdiction after Israel captured the area from Jordan in 1967. The neighborhood remains formally divided between Jerusalem and Palestinian Authority municipal jurisdictions, while its Jerusalem section lies on the far side of Israel's security barrier and is physically separated from the rest of the city by the barrier and the Qalandiya checkpoint. This arrangement has contributed to limited municipal services, weak planning and police enforcement, rapid population growth, and severe infrastructure pressures. Kafr Aqab has consequently become a focal point in debates over Jerusalem's future, Palestinian residency rights, and the consequences of the barrier's routing.
02Overview
Kafr Aqab sits at an elevation of approximately 764 meters in northern Jerusalem, north of Qalandiya refugee camp and Atarot Airport.[1] Its distance from central Jerusalem is roughly 13 kilometers, while Ramallah lies only about 4 kilometers away — a geographic reality that has shaped the neighborhood's social and commercial character, which has in many respects practically merged with the Ramallah metropolitan area.[1][3]
The neighborhood encompasses both an Israeli-administered western section, within Jerusalem's municipal jurisdiction, and an eastern section administered by a Palestinian Authority-affiliated municipality.[1] The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research identifies several subdivisions: Semiramis, Al-Matar (Airport), and Zughayir on the Jerusalem side, and the old core of Kufr Aqab, Yiridat Urabi, part of Stah Marhaba, and Khallat al-Sheikh on the Palestinian Authority side.[1] The combined area, drawing on Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics figures, is approximately 5,472 dunams, with roughly 73% on the Palestinian side and 27% on the Israeli side.[1]
The neighborhood is grouped by the INSS alongside al-Matar, Za'ir, and Qalandiya within a 1,300-dunam cluster in northern Jerusalem.[4] The Washington Institute for Near East Policy describes Kafr Aqab as a "gray zone" neighborhood where the Palestinian side of the separation barrier falls within Jerusalem's municipal boundaries, with the Qalandiya crossing serving as the main link to the rest of the city.[5]
03History
According to Arabic sources cited by the Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research, Kafr Aqab was established in the sixth century on the remains of an ancient settlement associated with Atarot.[1] Population records show 189 residents in 1922, approximately 290 in 1945, and 410 in the 1961 Jordanian census.[1] Aerial photographs from 1968 depict the settlement as a rural village on a hill surrounded by orchards and gardens, with the Semiramis subdivision not yet built.[1]
Israel captured Kafr Aqab from Jordan during the 1967 Six-Day War and shortly afterward incorporated its western section into Jerusalem's expanded municipal jurisdiction.[1] At the time, a few hundred Palestinians lived there in limestone homes amid olive groves.[2] A 2017 article, citing Prof. Isaac Reiter of the Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research, places Kafr Aqab among 22 mostly village-like East Jerusalem neighborhoods incorporated into Israel at that time, alongside Beit Hanina, Shuafat, Shuafat refugee camp, Ras Shakhada, Ras Khamis, and Issawiya in the northern cluster.[6]
Before the construction of the security barrier, Kafr Aqab was considered a desirable location for East Jerusalem Palestinians seeking less crowded housing while remaining within the city's municipal boundaries.[7] As housing costs rose elsewhere in East Jerusalem, residents moved to the neighborhood, and some specifically sought it out to avoid risks to their Jerusalem residency status.[7]
During the Camp David summit of July 11–25, 2000, the Israeli delegation proposed dividing Jerusalem into Jewish and Arab areas. Under that proposal, the Palestinian Authority would have controlled several Arab neighborhoods, including Kafr Aqab; the Old City would have been divided between the two parties. Yasser Arafat rejected the offer, ending the negotiations.[8]
Israel began constructing the security barrier in 2003, at the height of the Second Intifada, with the stated goal of curbing terrorist attacks emanating from the West Bank — known by its original, indigenous Jewish name of Judea and Samaria.[4][1] The barrier's route did not follow Jerusalem's municipal boundary, creating enclaves that were inside the city limits but outside the barrier.[4] The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research dates Kafr Aqab's functional separation from Jerusalem's urban system specifically to 2003.[1] By 2017, compared with the rural village of 1968, the built-up area had expanded dramatically, particularly over the preceding decade.[1]
A plan for 4,500 housing units in Kafr Aqab was approved for deposit by the Interior Ministry's Jerusalem District Planning and Construction Committee in March 2002, but a 2003 draft report found that the municipality had not fulfilled the deposit terms, preventing the plans from advancing. The municipality denied that political motives explained the delays; the district planner said the draft was not ready for substantive comment.[9]
04Demographics and Population
Estimating Kafr Aqab's population is genuinely difficult, and figures vary widely by source, year, geographic scope, and method. The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research's 2018 report records 26,320 registered residents in Kufr Aqab and Semiramis according to 2016 data from Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, and approximately 23,085 based on Jerusalem Municipality property-tax data for 2017.[1] A 2017 Hagihon estimate, however, placed the total at approximately 70,000, while a 2018 apartment survey counted 12,300 occupied apartments and estimated around 61,500 residents using an average of five people per apartment.[1] The report's abstract describes approximately 61,500 residents and notes capacity for roughly 15,000 more in vacant apartments.[1] The eastern section under Palestinian Authority municipal jurisdiction holds an estimated additional 10,000 residents.[1]
A 2019 Times of Israel report estimated 60,000–70,000 residents.[2] A 2024 report cited a 2017 official figure of 24,000 while noting that residents and nonprofit organizations estimated 80,000–120,000, and stated that Israeli authorities did not provide reliable demographic data for the area.[3] That same 2024 report described Kafr Aqab as home to as many as one-third of Jerusalem's 360,000 Arab residents.[3] A January 2021 Ynet report estimated around 60,000 residents.[10] The INSS, grouping Kafr Aqab-area neighborhoods and the Shuafat refugee camp together, estimates approximately 140,000 residents across those combined areas — roughly 40 percent of the city's Palestinian residents.[11]
The Jerusalem Institute report characterizes the gap between registered and actual population figures as a product of rapid construction, migration, incomplete registration, and limited direct institutional control.[1] The 2024 report linked the discrepancy to the mismatch between water allocated to the neighborhood and its actual population.[3]
The neighborhood's age structure is notably young. The Jerusalem Institute records a 2016 median age of 18.2 years, compared with 23.8 for Jerusalem as a whole and 21.2 for Arab residents of Jerusalem; half of Kafr Aqab's population was younger than 18.[1] The report links this to the neighborhood's appeal to young couples seeking affordable housing within the Jerusalem area.[1] During 2011–2016, 10,580 people migrated into the neighborhood, with the largest listed sources being internal migration from the Kufr Aqab/Atarot area (2,520 people), Beit Hanina (2,020), and the Old City's Muslim Quarter (870).[1]
05Economy and Culture
Kafr Aqab's economy is closely tied to housing, construction, and its location on the Jerusalem–Ramallah corridor. The Jerusalem Institute describes an active real-estate market with comparatively inexpensive, often large apartments; commercial space occupies the ground floors of many newer buildings, while shops and other businesses are concentrated along the main road to Ramallah and several internal roads. Local economic activity has also included block factories, stone and marble workshops, garages, and construction employment.[1]
The report identifies the neighborhood's proximity to Ramallah and its position between Israeli- and Palestinian Authority-administered areas as a potential social and economic growth engine, recommending further commercial development along the main road. It describes a significant middle-class component among residents, but records little organized cultural activity: the community administration's cultural budget was approximately NIS 60,000 a year, with some additional activities organized through private initiatives.[1]
06Notable Sites
The old village core contains the Abu Yasin Mosque and remains of a church attributed to the Ottoman period. On the neighborhood's western edge, Khirbet Atara — identified by the Jerusalem Institute report with ancient Atarot — contains archaeological remains that include two walls, a rock-cut oil press with a mosaic floor, and tombs.[1]
Other sites recorded in the report include Khirbet al-Salalem, associated with the Canaanite period; the shrine known as Maqam al-Sheikh Abdullah and the nearby oak called al-Balluta; and the Sheikh Ajami cave, above which carob trees grow.[1]
07Construction, Housing, and Urban Growth
Before 2003, construction in Kafr Aqab was mostly two or three stories.[1] After the security fence separated the neighborhood from Jerusalem, construction accelerated dramatically. Buildings now commonly reach ten or more stories, and the Jerusalem Institute describes new housing as frequently appearing in ten- to twelve-story structures lacking approved plans and appropriate engineering supervision.[1]
A January 2025 Ynet article, citing Jerusalem Municipality's geographic information system, reported 315 buildings in Kafr Aqab in 1967 and 1,957 by 2019, with 38.32% of the buildings classified as illegal.[12] The Jerusalem Institute attributes the surge in unauthorized high-rise construction to a combination of inexpensive land and housing, high demand from both East Jerusalem and West Bank residents, a shortage of approved building opportunities elsewhere in East Jerusalem, and weak enforcement stemming from the security and access challenges created by the barrier.[1]
The Jerusalem Post described the neighborhood as once-prestigious and said the dense high-rise construction on the Jerusalem side contrasts sharply with the more pastoral character of the West Bank portion.[7] The Jerusalem Institute warns that construction has consumed much of the available land, reducing opportunities for public spaces, parks, facilities, roads, and infrastructure corridors.[1][13]
08Infrastructure and Municipal Services
Infrastructure in Kafr Aqab reflects decades of underinvestment and governance uncertainty. The water network dates to 1967, is more than 50 years old, and is poorly maintained; the Jerusalem Institute reported that water was supplied only two days a week.[1] A 2024 Times of Israel report described residents receiving piped water for about 12 hours a week during a reported shortage, with some purchasing water privately or storing it in rooftop tanks.[3]
Unlike the rest of East Jerusalem, which is served by the municipal supplier Hagihon, Kafr Aqab receives water from the Ramallah-based Jerusalem Water Undertaking, which buys water from Israel's Mekorot.[3] The Israel Water Authority stated that supply responsibility lay with the Jerusalem Water Undertaking; at a Knesset hearing, representatives of Israeli bodies could not state who maintained the pipes.[3] Residents, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), and Ir Amim petitioned the High Court on August 7, 2024, seeking a regular supply.[3] Each water-storage tank purchased by residents held 1,500 liters and cost NIS 1,500 per month, with dozens of tanks placed on some high-rise rooftops; activists warned that the combined weight could threaten building stability.[3] The Israel Water Authority said an infrastructure project to increase water supply to the area had been approved and was expected to be completed in 2026.[3]
The sewage system was not designed for the current population, and illegal connections to drainage channels can contribute to blockages, flooding, and sewage overflow.[1] The road network stood at approximately 17 kilometers in 2012, including 13 kilometers of residential streets, many of which required paving.[1] The Jerusalem Post reported that the main road flooded during heavy rain and that private tractors had cleared main exit roads after heavy snowfall when municipal crews did not respond.[7] Waste collection has been inadequate, with a neighborhood committee estimating approximately 800 tons of waste generated monthly.[1]
Public facilities on the Israeli-administered side are sparse: there is no public park, sports facility, or suitable playground.[1] A park established by the Palestinian municipality in May 2017, beside its building near the boundary between the two sections, was accessible to residents from the Israeli side as well.[1] A Times of Israel report described the neighborhood as lacking outdoor parks and post offices, and noted potholes, unpaved roads, and few sidewalks.[2]
In 2015, residents and the organization Ir Amim petitioned the Jerusalem District Court over roads, sidewalks, crosswalks, street signs, and sewage infrastructure. The court ordered the municipality to prepare an improvement plan within three months and prepare to implement it within six months.[2] The local governing body took more than two years to produce a plan; resident Moien Odeh argued it was insufficient, while a municipal official called it an important effort.[2] Between 2016 and 2018, Gihon installed or upgraded 4.67 kilometers of sewage lines in Kafr Aqab.[2]
In August 2026, the Jerusalem Municipality began renovating an educational and community complex in Kafr Aqab, with an investment of more than NIS 40 million. A municipal boys' high school was scheduled to open in September, with additional schools, a mosque, sports facilities, and healthcare services planned for later stages.[14]
09Education
The Jerusalem-side neighborhood had 14 schools serving approximately 9,500 students, while about 3,080 students were reported to travel daily to schools inside Jerusalem proper.[1] The Jerusalem Post reported that the neighborhood had approximately 12,000 school-age children but only a handful of schools, with a lack of sidewalks, crosswalks, traffic lights, and safe collection points near schools.[7]
Government Decision No. 3790, approved on May 13, 2018, established a five-year plan (2018–2023) allocating approximately NIS 2 billion for public infrastructure and for education, welfare, employment, social services, quality of life, health care, land registration, and zoning in East Jerusalem's Arab neighborhoods.[11] The plan, however, explicitly excluded the eight neighborhoods in the Kafr Aqab area and the Shuafat refugee camp.[11]
10The Qalandiya Checkpoint and Freedom of Movement
Access to the rest of Jerusalem depends almost entirely on the Qalandiya checkpoint, which the Jerusalem Institute describes as a major obstacle for daily life. Pedestrian passage through inspection corridors took 45–60 minutes depending on congestion, and a bus typically required the same amount of time.[1] Resident and social activist Muein Odeh is quoted in the Jerusalem Institute report as saying that people who pass through daily "spend between 15–20 hours a week in both directions."[1]
The Washington Institute reported that after fighting began in 2023, the Qalandiya crossing — which connects neighborhoods beyond the barrier with the rest of Jerusalem — was closed.[5] During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, a crossing point toward el-Bireh and Ramallah was closed, leaving residents of Kafr Aqab isolated in both directions.[15]
11Governance and Law Enforcement
Kafr Aqab's formal administrative status and its practical governance diverge sharply. The neighborhood officially falls within Jerusalem's municipal boundaries, and its residents in the Israeli-administered western section hold Jerusalem residence cards and pay taxes to Israeli authorities.[16] Yet the Jerusalem Institute report notes that the fence's location beyond the neighborhood contributed to weak direct municipal and police presence, limited enforcement of planning and construction rules, and difficult access to municipal services via the Qalandiya checkpoint; it characterizes the resulting law-enforcement and planning situation as a kind of "no-man's land" — though this is the report's characterization, not a formal administrative designation.[1]
A 2022 report described little police presence, with residents and local advocates citing scarce municipal services, while Israeli police maintained they acted throughout Jerusalem, including in Kafr Aqab.[16] The Palestinian Authority's security forces were prohibited from operating on the Israeli side of the neighborhood.[16] Jerusalem Municipality activity operated mainly through the Jerusalem and Environs Community Administration near the Qalandiya checkpoint; the Palestinian municipality also provided some services to the Israeli side.[1]
A Ynet report from September 2020 described the situation as a governance vacuum, with no permanent police presence and only occasional operations, and reported illegal weapons activity and drug trading in the neighborhood.[17] The same report described a clan dispute that escalated into gunfire in a crowded street: two armed men were filmed walking openly with rifles and firing into the air, while some residents tried to intervene and others watched or took cover.[17] A deadly family dispute in January 2021 involved homes and cars being set on fire; Palestinian Authority security forces were called in to restore order despite the neighborhood being under Israeli jurisdiction.[10] Two suspects were arrested by Palestinian Authority forces in Ramallah and handed over to Israel; three members of the Rajbi family were killed in the incident.[10]
From September 2016 onward, a policy change by Jerusalem District Commander Yoram Halevy and Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan established the Jerusalem envelope as an independent area and adopted a more active operational approach, though Kafr Aqab-specific operation figures were not published.[18]
The municipality told the Times of Israel that the security situation made it difficult for officials to enter freely, supervise construction, and provide services, and said it was doing what it could despite the challenges created by the barrier.[2]
12The COVID-19 Pandemic
Before Ramadan 2020, Kafr Aqab emerged as a coronavirus hotspot. Sixteen patients had been diagnosed there, some tested by Palestinian Authority health services; most were taken to Ramallah for isolation and treatment after Israel's Health Ministry declined to quarantine them in Israel.[15] Palestinian security services patrolled the neighborhood and attempted to impose business closures and home curfews.[15]
A subsequent dispute between Israeli and Palestinian Authority officials over health-care responsibility culminated in Palestinian security forces withdrawing from the neighborhood and a roadblock being erected to prevent travel toward Ramallah, leaving residents isolated in both directions.[15] On April 23, 2020, Border Police, IDF units, and municipal inspectors entered Kafr Aqab to enforce closure directives and removed street signs that the Palestinian Authority had placed there.[15]
13Political Status and Peace Proposals
Kafr Aqab's location — formally within Jerusalem's municipal boundaries yet on the far side of the security barrier — has made it a recurrent reference point in proposals about Jerusalem's political future. The 2020 U.S. "Peace to Prosperity" plan described Kafr Aqab as an Arab neighborhood in Jerusalem "already separated" from the rest of the city's neighborhoods by a security barrier that "does not follow the municipal boundary."[19] The plan proposed that the barrier remain in place and serve as a border between the capitals of Israel and a proposed Palestinian state, with Kafr Aqab among the areas that would form part of the proposed Palestinian capital — though this arrangement was a proposal and was not implemented.[19]
Britannica describes the position of areas such as Kafr Aqab — formally within Jerusalem municipality but beyond the barrier — as a condition of "political and legal limbo."[20] Britannica also reports that the International Court of Justice ruled in 2004 that the barrier's route was illegal and that Israel's presence in East Jerusalem was illegal under international law; these legal conclusions concern the wider Jerusalem and barrier dispute, not Kafr Aqab alone, and are contested.[20]
The INSS reports that the construction of the barrier, while addressed to the real security threat posed by attacks during the Second Intifada, created enclaves in which Israeli municipal jurisdiction extends in name but not in practice, and that the resulting conditions in the Kafr Aqab area and the Shuafat refugee camp together — with an estimated combined population of approximately 140,000 — involve serious neglect, high crime, abject poverty, and lack of governance.[11]
14The Qalandiya Training Center Dispute
A controversy arose in 2026 over the Qalandiya Training Center in Kafr Aqab. UN Secretary-General António Guterres warned that Israel's takeover of the center and renovation work there could lead to proceedings before the International Court of Justice, alleging violations of UN privileges and immunities.[14] Israel said the operation complied with legislation barring UNRWA from operating in the country and asserted that the site belonged to the Jewish National Fund; the Jerusalem Municipality stated that the Fund had owned the site since 1937.[14] These represent the competing claims of the parties; the ownership and legal dispute had not been independently resolved as of the time of reporting.[14]
Sources
- 1Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research, Kufr Aqab Infrastructure Report, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 2The Times of Israel, Jerusalem's No-Man's Land, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 3The Times of Israel, Water for Only 12 Hours a Week, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 4Institute for National Security Studies, Social, Political, and Economic Trends in East Jerusalem, 2010-2022: Informing Israel’s Approach to Security, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 5The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, A Second Palestinian Front: Relative Quiet, Restlessness, and Waiting, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 6Maariv, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 7The Jerusalem Post, Living in limbo, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 8Center for Israel Education, Cronología de Jerusalén, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 9Globes, �Municipality blocking construction thousands East Jerusalem apartments�, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 10Ynet, Two suspects arrested for the murder of three family members in East Jerusalem, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 11Institute for National Security Studies, Israel's Plan to Reduce Socioeconomic Gaps in East Jerusalem, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 12Ynet, The Knesset will discuss illegal construction in East Jerusalem: "Living there is dying every day", accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 13Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research, Publications, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 14Jewish Virtual Library, UN Relief & Works Agency (UNRWA):History & Overview, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 15Institute for National Security Studies, The Coronavirus Pandemic and East Jerusalem, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 16The Times of Israel, It's a Jungle, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 17Ynet, Documentation: Armed Palestinians fire into the air in broad daylight in East Jerusalem, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 18Ynet, Jerusalem envelope: Tens of percent increase in police activity, accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 19U.S. National Archives, White House, Peace to Prosperity (2020), accessed on October 16, 2026.
- 20Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed on October 16, 2026.
IsraelPedia Question & Answers
What is Kafr Aqab?
Kafr Aqab is an Arab neighborhood at the northern edge of Jerusalem, situated approximately 13 kilometers from the city center and about 4 kilometers from Ramallah. Originally a small village, its western section was incorporated into Jerusalem's expanded municipal jurisdiction after Israel captured the area from Jordan in 1967. The neighborhood remains formally divided between Jerusalem and Palestinian Authority municipal jurisdictions, while its Jerusalem section lies on the far side of Israel's security barrier and is physically separated from the rest of the city by the barrier and the Qalandiya checkpoint.
How many people live in Kafr Aqab?
Kafr Aqab's population is genuinely difficult to estimate, and figures vary widely by source, year, and method. The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research recorded 26,320 registered residents based on 2016 data, while a 2018 apartment survey estimated approximately 61,500 residents. A 2024 report cited a 2017 official figure of 24,000, while residents and nonprofit organizations estimated 80,000–120,000. The same 2024 report described Kafr Aqab as home to as many as one-third of Jerusalem's 360,000 Arab residents. The Jerusalem Institute attributes the gap between registered and actual figures to rapid construction, migration, incomplete registration, and limited direct institutional control.
How did the security barrier change Kafr Aqab?
The construction of Israel's security barrier beginning in 2003 functionally separated Kafr Aqab from Jerusalem's urban system, even though the neighborhood remained within the city's municipal boundaries. Before the barrier was built, Kafr Aqab was considered a desirable location for East Jerusalem Palestinians seeking less crowded housing. After the separation, construction accelerated dramatically: buildings that were mostly two or three stories before 2003 now commonly reach ten or more stories, many lacking approved plans and appropriate engineering supervision. The barrier also contributed to weak municipal and police presence, limited enforcement of planning rules, and difficult access to city services.
What infrastructure problems does Kafr Aqab face?
Kafr Aqab faces severe infrastructure deficiencies across water, sewage, roads, and public facilities. The water network dates to 1967 and is poorly maintained; the Jerusalem Institute reported water was supplied only two days a week, while a 2024 report described residents receiving piped water for about 12 hours a week, with some purchasing it privately or storing it in rooftop tanks. The sewage system was not designed for the current population, illegal connections can cause flooding and overflow, and the road network included many unpaved streets. The neighborhood on the Israeli-administered side has no public park, sports facility, or suitable playground.
How does the Qalandiya checkpoint affect daily life in Kafr Aqab?
Access to the rest of Jerusalem depends almost entirely on the Qalandiya checkpoint, which the Jerusalem Institute describes as a major obstacle for daily life. Pedestrian passage through inspection corridors took 45 to 60 minutes depending on congestion, and a bus typically required the same amount of time. Resident and social activist Muein Odeh is quoted in the Jerusalem Institute report as saying that people who pass through daily "spend between 15–20 hours a week in both directions." After fighting began in 2023, the crossing was closed entirely, and during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 a crossing toward Ramallah was also closed, leaving residents isolated in both directions.
What role has Kafr Aqab played in proposals for Jerusalem's political future?
Kafr Aqab's status — formally within Jerusalem's municipal boundaries yet on the far side of the security barrier — has made it a recurring reference point in political proposals. During the Camp David summit in 2000, the Israeli delegation proposed that the Palestinian Authority control several Arab neighborhoods including Kafr Aqab, but Yasser Arafat rejected the offer. The 2020 U.S. "Peace to Prosperity" plan proposed that the barrier serve as a border between Israel and a proposed Palestinian state, with Kafr Aqab among the areas that would form part of the proposed Palestinian capital, though this arrangement was never implemented.
How is law enforcement and governance handled in Kafr Aqab?
Kafr Aqab officially falls within Jerusalem's municipal boundaries, and residents on the Israeli-administered side hold Jerusalem residence cards and pay taxes to Israeli authorities, yet the neighborhood's practical governance diverges sharply from its formal status. The Jerusalem Institute report characterizes the law-enforcement and planning situation as a kind of "no-man's land," noting weak direct municipal and police presence and limited enforcement of planning and construction rules. The Palestinian Authority's security forces are prohibited from operating on the Israeli side, and Jerusalem Municipality activity operates mainly through a community administration near the Qalandiya checkpoint. A 2022 report described little police presence, while Israeli police maintained they acted throughout Jerusalem including in Kafr Aqab.