Israeli

"Israeli" most specifically refers to citizens of the State of Israel, in contrast to Jewish identity, which may carry religious, ethnic, or cultural meanings.[1] A broader everyday definition describes an Israeli as "a person born, raised, or living in modern Israel," extending the term beyond formal citizenship to some residents and people defined by upbringing.[2]

The distinction between citizenship and nationality carries legal weight in Israel's official framework. In 2013, the Supreme Court rejected an appeal seeking to have "Israeli nationality" entered in the population registry. The ruling distinguished citizenship from nationality as a registry classification while leaving personal identification and broader public and academic debate open.[6] Uzi Ornan, writing in an opinion article, argued that all citizens share an Israeli state nationality and criticized the state's registration practices.[7]

Statistical usage has a different scope. Population estimates cover permanent residents with or without Israeli citizenship and therefore are not simple counts of passport-holders. The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research also notes that Jerusalem's Arab population consists mainly of Palestinians holding Israeli residency rather than citizenship.[8]

Israel's Declaration of Independence frames modern Jewish sovereignty as rooted in a continuing historical relationship between the Jewish people and Eretz-Israel. It describes the land as the birthplace of the Jewish people, states that Jews remained faithful to it after forced exile, and recounts efforts in successive generations to re-establish themselves in their ancient homeland.[5]

The Declaration links that historical continuity to the establishment of the State of Israel on May 14, 1948. It proclaimed a Jewish state while stating that the country would be developed for the benefit of all its inhabitants, would ensure equality of social and political rights, and would invite Arab inhabitants to participate on the basis of full and equal citizenship and representation.[5][9]

The legal framework distinguishes citizenship from Jewish identity and from the nationality categories used in official registration.[10][6] A 1998 legal analysis published by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs grouped acquisition of citizenship under residence, birth, return, and naturalization, while describing the relationship among citizenship, Jewish identity, and national belonging as contested.[10]

A 1976 Library of Congress Law Library report described nationality by residence, birth to an Israeli parent, naturalization, a limited route for certain people born in Israeli territory, and discretionary grants to some resident minors. It stated that the Law of Return gave Jews the right to immigrate as olim and that the Nationality Law automatically conferred nationality upon an oleh entering Israel unless the person specified otherwise.[11] The appended Law of Return, as amended in 1970, extended relevant rights to a child or grandchild of a Jew and to specified spouses.[11] Because the cited legal analyses date to 1976 and 1998, they document the framework as described at those times rather than every subsequent amendment.[11][10]

At statehood, the Declaration of Independence pledged equality of social and political rights irrespective of religion, race, or sex. It specifically appealed to Arab inhabitants to preserve peace and participate in the state's development on the basis of "full and equal citizenship" and "due representation" in provisional and permanent institutions.[5][9]

On the eve of Israel's 78th Independence Day in 2026, the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics counted a total population of 10.244 million: 7.790 million Jews and "Others" (76%), 2.157 million Arabs (21.1%), and 296,000 foreigners (2.9%).[3] The CBS defines "Others" as non-Arab Christians, people of other religions, and people not classified by religion—mainly immigrants who are not defined as Jewish in the Population Register. Its Arab category comprises Muslims, Arab Christians, and Druze.[3]

An INSS assessment reported Israel's 2023 population at 9,842,000, distinguishing 7,208,300 people classified as Jewish from a wider group of 7,762,700 that included 554,400 immigrants under the Law of Return who were not classified by religion.[12] Arab residents numbered 2,079,300, including 1,783,840 Muslims and 295,460 Druze and Christian Arabs.[12] A separate Globes report based on CBS data placed Israel's population at just over 9.9 million on the eve of the Jewish year 5785 in 2024, with 78.6% classified as Jewish and others and 20.8% as Arabs.[13]

Jews constitute roughly three-fourths of Israel's population and Arabs more than one-fifth. Most Arabs are described as Palestinians and predominantly Sunni Muslim; Arab Christians form a significant minority, particularly in the Galilee, while Druze and other ethnic Arabs who do not identify as Palestinians constitute a smaller share.[14] Other communities identified within Israeli society include Bedouins, Ahmadis, Circassians, Armenians, other non-Arab Christians, and people without religious affiliation.[15]

Population-group classifications have shifted over time. Before the 1995 Census, tables used "Jews" and "Arabs and others"; a separate "Others" category was subsequently grouped with Jews, and the labels "Jews and others" and "Arabs" appear in tables from 1998. Comparisons across years therefore require attention to the classification used.[8] About 630,000 Israelis were estimated to be living outside Israel in 2021–2023, including 328,000 born in Israel and 302,000 born elsewhere who acquired Israeli citizenship and lived in Israel during their lives. The report separately estimated about 325,000 children born to Israelis abroad.[16]

Israeli society is diverse across nationality, religion, religiosity, language, culture, personal identity, and political outlook.[15] Jewish subgroups include secular (Hiloni), ultra-Orthodox (Haredi), religious (Dati), and traditional (Masorti) communities, while Arab subgroups include Muslims, Druze, and Arab Christians.[15]

A scholarly survey identifies four major sociopolitical cleavages: a national cleavage between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs; a cultural one between secular and religious Jews; a socioeconomic one between rich and poor; and an ethnic one between Ashkenazi and Mizrahi Jews.[17] The chapter links the combined political impact of these divisions to the 1977 transition of government from Labor to Likud.[17]

Arab citizens are Israel's largest single minority group. They are described as full Israeli citizens with political and civil rights equal to those of Jewish citizens, with some limitations concerning military service.[14] Common labels include "Israeli Arabs" and "Arab Israelis," although many object that these terms inadequately reflect Palestinian identity. "Palestinian citizens of Israel" is also used to acknowledge both Palestinian identity and participation in Israel's sociopolitical framework.[14]

Identity among Israelis is layered and, for many individuals, subject to continuing negotiation rather than fixed in a single category. Pew Research Center's survey, fielded from October 2014 through May 2015 through face-to-face interviews in Hebrew, Arabic, and Russian, included 5,601 Israeli adults.[18] Israeli Jewish respondents were divided over whether they considered themselves Jewish first or Israeli first: 46% chose Jewish first and 35% Israeli first. The balance varied by religious self-identification: 91% of Haredim and 80% of Datiim said Jewish first, while 59% of Hilonim said Israeli first.[19]

For Arab citizens, identity can simultaneously involve religion, ethnicity, sectarian belonging, Israeli citizenship, and Palestinian national identity.[20] An INSS survey conducted in December 2022 used internet questionnaires and telephone interviews and included 1,208 Jewish and Arab respondents, with a maximum margin of error of ±2.8 percentage points. Among Arab respondents, 63% considered the Israeli component of their identity more important than the Palestinian component, while 37% prioritized the Palestinian component.[21]

The same survey found that a majority of Arab respondents favored integration into Israeli society and the state in one form or another, though their preferred forms varied. Twenty-three percent wanted to integrate as citizens with equal rights without conditions; other respondents combined Palestinian national identification with integration or favored changing Israel into a state of all its citizens.[21] Across Jewish and Arab respondents, 74% supported some level of state investment in Arab citizens to bridge gaps between sectors.[21]

Many Arab citizens have been characterized as holding a hybrid Palestinian-Israeli identity, recognizing Israel's existence while sometimes objecting to its self-definition as a Jewish state.[22] Increasing participation in Israeli economic, social, cultural, educational, governmental, and healthcare settings coexists with continuing national tensions and, for some, feelings of exclusion and alienation.[22]

The Hamas terrorist attack of October 7, 2023 prompted renewed public reflection about identity and belonging. A study reported by Globes found that almost 80% of Arab respondents opposed the attack, 85% opposed the kidnapping of civilians, 66% said Israel had the right to defend itself, and 55% feared for their personal safety to a great extent.[23] The article did not provide the study's sample size or methodology, so the figures should not be generalized beyond the reported study. Arab-Israeli creator Nuseir Yassin described changing his ordering of identity from "Palestinian first. Israeli second." to "Israeli first. Palestinian second." while continuing to support an independent Palestinian state.[23]

Several aspects of who is an "Israeli" and what that designation entails remain contested. The 2018 Basic Law: Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish People drew criticism from Arab political figures, who perceived it as a blow to the minority sector and civil equality. The cited INSS analysis described the broader Arab public response as more restrained than the political establishment's opposition.[24]

The relationship between citizenship, legally registered nationality, and personal national identity also remains disputed. The Supreme Court rejected registration of "Israeli nationality" as a population-registry category in 2013, distinguishing citizenship from nationality while leaving broader identity debate to public and academic forums.[6] Civic advocate Uzi Ornan argued instead that all citizens share a common Israeli state nationality that official registration should reflect.[7]

Labels for Arab citizens are themselves contested: some object to "Israeli Arab" or "Arab Israeli" as insufficient recognition of Palestinian identity, while "Palestinian citizens of Israel" acknowledges both dimensions.[14] Survey findings from INSS and Pew represent specific samples and periods and should not be treated as universal or permanent definitions of identity across a diverse population.[21][19]