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Cooperation and Brotherhood

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01In brief

Cooperation and Brotherhood (Hebrew: שיתוף ואחווה, Shituf Ve'ahvah) was an Arab minority political list in Israel associated with the ruling Mapai party during the state's early decades. Later commentary identified Bedouin communities as its principal constituency, while election records show that it won two Knesset seats in both 1959 and 1965. It participated in the coalition system alongside other Mapai-linked Arab lists. The broader satellite-list system declined after military government over Arab citizens was abolished in 1966 and was gradually replaced by independent Arab parties.

02Overview

Cooperation and Brotherhood was also rendered in English as “Cooperation and Fraternity.”[1][2] Election records identify it as a minority list associated with Mapai, while a later Maariv commentary describes its political base as the Bedouin community.[1][3] Although it contested elections independently, later accounts place it within a network of Arab lists linked to Mapai that participated in governing coalitions.[4][5]

03Origins and Party Structure

A Maariv opinion article describes Cooperation and Brotherhood as one of five Arab satellite lists created by Mapai during the 1950s and 1960s.[3] Encyclopedia.com says lists of this kind were generally organized along religious, geographical, and family lines, while Globes describes government-participating Arab lists as semi-formal parts of the Mapai and later Labor coalition network.[2][5]

A separate Globes account describes such lists as lacking a developed organizational infrastructure or distinct ideology and as subordinated to a Zionist parent party, usually Mapai.[6] Globes also links the local character of early satellite lists to military-government restrictions on travel between communities, which made it harder to build nationwide Arab political organizations.[6]

The Maariv commentary distinguishes Cooperation and Brotherhood's Bedouin constituency from Progress and Development's urban activity and Agriculture and Development's mainly rural focus.[3] It also characterizes many leaders of the affiliated lists as local Arab elites—mukhtars, sheikhs, and landowners—with close ties to the Mapai establishment.[3]

04Electoral History

In the 1959 election to the Fourth Knesset, Cooperation and Brotherhood received 11,104 valid votes, representing 1.1 percent of the total, and won two seats.[1] At that time, the combined count of Arab members sitting on lists affiliated with or associated with Mapai in the Fourth Knesset stood at five, though the source does not identify which members belonged specifically to Cooperation and Brotherhood.[2]

Arab electoral participation was high in this period. Turnout among Arab voters was 88.9 percent in 1959, compared with 81.6 percent among Jewish voters.[2]

In the November 1965 election to the Sixth Knesset, the list received 16,034 valid votes—1.3 percent of the total—and again returned two seats.[7] Arab turnout was 87.8 percent, compared with 83.0 percent among Jewish voters.[2] Globes later listed both Cooperation and Brotherhood and Progress and Development among Arab lists that participated in Israeli governments.[5] A Jerusalem Post account states that in the decade before 1971 the two lists ran independently and won two seats each.[4]

05Political Practice

Members of Cooperation and Brotherhood participated in Knesset debates on the military government, which governed many Arab communities during Israel's early decades. Contemporary restrictions included controls on movement and aspects of civil administration.[6]

In a February 1960 vote on a proposal by Menachem Begin to transfer powers from the military government to the civilian police, satellite-party members abstained rather than voting against the measure.[6] Yosef Diab of Cooperation and Brotherhood clarified that the abstention carried no endorsement of the military government itself, stating: “Our abstention from the vote does not demonstrate acceptance of its existence.”[6]

When similar proposals arose in 1962, the four satellite-party members again abstained after David Ben-Gurion announced consultations on possible easing that would not harm security.[6]

In a subsequent February 1963 Knesset vote on changes to the military government, the two Cooperation and Brotherhood members voted against the proposed change, taking a position distinct from a member of Progress and Development who supported it.[6] The Communist proposal was defeated 56–50; three more gradual proposals failed 57–56.[6] A person identified in the account only as Obeid explained that, in his view, the military government was preferable to the alternatives, though the source does not establish whether he was one of the two members who cast that vote.[6]

06Significance

Cooperation and Brotherhood was among the Arab lists that participated in Israeli governments during the early state period. A Globes retrospective places Arab government-participating lists in a sequence spanning Governments 1 through 17, with Government 16 as the exception, though it does not specify which particular governments included Cooperation and Brotherhood.[5]

Globes quoted political scientist Ofer Kenig describing all Arab lists participating in governments during this era as satellite parties of Mapai and later the Labor Party, and as semi-formal parts of the coalition.[5] Globes defines a satellite party as an adjunct to a larger party that still contests elections independently and receives seats according to its own vote total.[5] In that sense, electoral independence coexisted with coalition dependence.

The military government formally ended in November 1966.[6] Globes describes its abolition as marking the beginning of the satellite lists' disappearance; by 1981, no Arab representatives indirectly affiliated with Zionist parent parties were being elected, while independent Arab political frameworks gradually took their place.[6]

07Controversies

The nature and purpose of Cooperation and Brotherhood—and of the broader network of Mapai-affiliated Arab lists—has been interpreted in different ways. One opinion piece in Maariv argues that such lists functioned as a political counterweight to left-wing parties such as Mapam and Maki, and as an instrument of government oversight of the Arab sector.[3] This characterization, offered in a commentary context, frames the lists as primarily serving Mapai's institutional interests rather than the independent political aspirations of Arab citizens.

A Jerusalem Post commentary similarly portrays Arab politicians in this period as frequently represented through parties connected to external patrons, while also acknowledging that intentions were not necessarily harmful and results were not invariably negative.[4] The list's name itself appears in variant English translations across sources: the Jewish Virtual Library renders the Hebrew Shituf Ve'ahvah as “Cooperation and Brotherhood,” while Encyclopedia.com uses “Cooperation and Fraternity.”[1][2] The sources do not explain the translation difference, and several discuss the list only as part of a broader group.[2][4]

Sources

  1. 1Jewish Virtual Library, Elections to the 4th Knesset (July 1959), accessed on October 6, 2026.
  2. 2Encyclopedia.com, Land of Israel: Arab Population, accessed on October 6, 2026.
  3. 3Maariv, The Tongue of the Scales: These Are the People Who May Decide the Next Election, accessed on October 6, 2026.
  4. 4The Jerusalem Post, After 73 years, Israel's Arabs become movers in the political process, accessed on October 6, 2026.
  5. 5Globes, "This Is the First Time an Arab Party Has Been a Partner in Forming a Government", accessed on October 6, 2026.
  6. 6Globes, The Frog Swallowers: How Much Did the Alliance with Mapai Cost Arab MKs, accessed on October 6, 2026.
  7. 7Jewish Virtual Library, Elections to the 6th Knesset (November 1965), accessed on October 6, 2026.

IsraelPedia Question & Answers

  • What was Cooperation and Brotherhood?

    Cooperation and Brotherhood (Hebrew: Shituf Ve'ahvah) was an Arab minority political list in Israel associated with the ruling Mapai party during the state's early decades. Later commentary identified Bedouin communities as its principal constituency. It participated in the coalition system alongside other Mapai-linked Arab lists, and won two Knesset seats in both 1959 and 1965.

  • How was Cooperation and Brotherhood structured as a political organization?

    Cooperation and Brotherhood is described as one of five Arab satellite lists created by Mapai during the 1950s and 1960s. Such lists are characterized as lacking a developed organizational infrastructure or distinct ideology and as subordinated to a Zionist parent party. Their local character was also linked to military-government restrictions on travel between communities, which made it harder to build nationwide Arab political organizations. Many leaders of these affiliated lists were local Arab elites — mukhtars, sheikhs, and landowners — with close ties to the Mapai establishment.

  • How did Cooperation and Brotherhood perform in the 1959 and 1965 elections?

    In the 1959 election to the Fourth Knesset, Cooperation and Brotherhood received 11,104 valid votes, representing 1.1 percent of the total, and won two seats. In the November 1965 election to the Sixth Knesset, the list received 16,034 valid votes — 1.3 percent of the total — and again returned two seats.

  • How did Cooperation and Brotherhood members vote on proposals concerning the military government?

    Members of Cooperation and Brotherhood took varied positions on military government proposals. In a February 1960 Knesset vote on a proposal to transfer powers from the military government to the civilian police, satellite-party members abstained, with Yosef Diab of Cooperation and Brotherhood clarifying that the abstention carried no endorsement of the military government. In a February 1963 vote on changes to the military government, the two Cooperation and Brotherhood members voted against the proposed change.

  • Why did the network of Mapai-affiliated Arab satellite lists eventually disappear?

    The military government formally ended in November 1966, and its abolition is described as marking the beginning of the satellite lists' disappearance. By 1981, no Arab representatives indirectly affiliated with Zionist parent parties were being elected, while independent Arab political frameworks gradually took their place.

  • How has the purpose of Cooperation and Brotherhood been interpreted by commentators?

    The nature and purpose of Cooperation and Brotherhood has been interpreted in different ways. One opinion piece in Maariv argues that such lists functioned as a political counterweight to left-wing parties and as an instrument of government oversight of the Arab sector, framing them as primarily serving Mapai's institutional interests rather than the independent political aspirations of Arab citizens. A Jerusalem Post commentary similarly portrays Arab politicians in this period as frequently represented through parties connected to external patrons, while also acknowledging that intentions were not necessarily harmful and results were not invariably negative.