Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations

The Conference brings national Jewish organizations together to identify shared priorities and pursue collective action, particularly on Israel and international Jewish concerns.[1] Its central purposes include strengthening U.S.–Israel understanding, assisting Israel, and supporting the physical safety and rights of Jewish communities overseas.[5] Its stated agenda also encompasses combating antisemitism and terrorism, engaging at the United Nations, defending human rights, and building interfaith and civic coalitions.[1]

The organization's authority rests chiefly on its ability to build consensus rather than compel its members to follow a central decision.[6] It developed as a coordinating body without coercive power over participating organizations, allowing groups with distinct constituencies and policies to cooperate on shared international priorities.[6] Its spokesperson and convening functions have historically been distinguished from the policy deliberations conducted within member community-relations agencies, defense organizations, religious bodies, and Zionist organizations.[5]

The member roster includes the American Jewish Committee, Anti-Defamation League, Jewish Federations of North America, Hillel, and organizations associated with Reform, Conservative, and Orthodox Jewish life.[2] It separately lists five adjunct organizations: the Cantors Assembly, Development Corporation for Israel/State of Israel Bonds, Jewish Agency American Section, Maccabi USA, and Zioness.[2] A 2020 unity statement emphasized respect for differing opinions while presenting the Conference as a vehicle for joint action on common concerns.[3]

Membership totals have varied over time. In 1990, the Conference had 48 member organizations and eight official observers; in 2005, it had 51 national member organizations.[6][5] The 2005 membership extended across Zionist, defense, community-relations, social-service, religious, and fundraising fields.[5] A 2020 unity statement identified 53 organizations, while the current roster lists 50.[3][2]

The Conference's roots reach back to 1951, when a small group of American Jewish leaders began meeting Israeli officials for briefings and consultations at the prompting of Abba Eban.[5] Several institutional interests encouraged a common forum: Israel sought a channel for discussing its concerns with American Jewish organizations, while the State Department under John Foster Dulles preferred a single interlocutor to numerous separate approaches.[5] Nahum Goldmann sought coordination of Zionist leaders' State Department contacts and their discussions about Israel with American leaders.[5]

Goldmann and B'nai B'rith president Philip Klutznick played key roles in creating the organization.[5] Goldmann, who later served as president of the World Zionist Organization from 1956 to 1968, helped provide the impetus for its formation.[7] At the time, Israel-related matters were not priorities for the National Community Relations Advisory Council, while Zionist groups lacked a community-relations forum in which they were represented.[5]

In 1954, following a confrontation involving Assistant Secretary of State Henry Byroade's approach to Israel, Klutznick invited leaders of 16 national Jewish organizations to meet in New York and form the Conference.[6] By March 1955, 20 participating organizations declared goals encompassing America's defense and welfare, freedom and peace worldwide, and Israel's peace, development, and security.[6] Their Washington conference on American–Israel relations included invitations to State Department representatives and was followed by regular meetings of organizational leaders and staff.[5][6]

An organizational structure developed over the following years, with formal establishment in 1959 involving 15 founding organizations, including eight Zionist groups and organizations from defense, religious, and fundraising fields.[5] Initially a “Presidents' Club,” the body reflected Klutznick's preference for an informal forum rather than a centralized, binding institution.[5] It subsequently adopted bylaws and procedures, expanded its mandate beyond Israel-related matters in the mid-1960s, and in 1966 became an organization of member organizations rather than simply a gathering of presidents.[5] Because sources use different stages of this process as the founding point, dates from 1954 through 1959 appear in historical accounts.[6][5]

An early test came during the 1956 Sinai Campaign, when the Conference responded to the threat of White House sanctions and joined the National Community Relations Advisory Council in convening regional conferences.[5] Eastern Bloc arms shipments to Egypt and fedayeen activity across Israel's borders also occupied its attention before the Six-Day War.[5] During that war, it organized a mass rally supporting Israel opposite the White House; after the Yom Kippur War, it worked to support American resupply of Israel.[5]

Advocacy for Soviet Jews brought Conference leaders into direct discussions with senior American officials.[8] During an emergency conference in Washington on December 29–30, 1970, chairman William Wexler joined Max Fisher and other representatives in meeting Secretary of State William Rogers about the Leningrad trial and Soviet Jewry.[8] Fisher thanked the administration for responding to the sentences and supporting public-awareness efforts, while Wexler sought information about American attempts to mitigate the sentences.[8] Wexler, Rabbi Hershel Schachter, and Fisher subsequently accompanied Rogers to a 40-minute meeting with President Richard Nixon.[8]

A May 1971 memorandum concerning another requested presidential meeting identified Rabbis Israel Miller and Jacob Stein as Conference co-chairmen.[9] They joined Fisher and Schachter in sending a cable to the White House about Soviet Jewry, and the memorandum recommended a meeting as a demonstration of continued governmental concern.[9]

On March 17, 1976, chairman Rabbi Alexander M. Schindler, executive director Yehuda Hellman, and immediate past chairman Israel Miller participated in a White House discussion with President Gerald Ford, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, and other officials.[10] Schindler supported the administration's overall Middle East approach but expressed apprehension about selling six C–130 aircraft to Egypt, fearing the start of a broader arms-supply relationship.[10] He supported economic aid to Egypt while arguing that Israel needed to retain a qualitative military advantage.[10] Miller summarized the delegation's concern: “We are profoundly worried, not about six lousy planes but about what you and the Secretary here have said. We are concerned about tomorrow.”[10]

In 1977, Schindler developed a cordial relationship with Menachem Begin's new Likud government despite his own liberal outlook and helped American Jewish organizations rally behind Israel's new leadership.[5] After Anwar Sadat's visit to Jerusalem that year, the Conference undertook activities to sustain momentum toward peace and accepted an invitation to meet Sadat and senior Egyptian leaders in Egypt—the first such invitation accepted by an American Jewish organization.[5]

During the 1980s, the Conference opposed sophisticated arms sales to Arab countries at war with Israel and advocated Soviet Jews' freedom to emigrate and practice their religion and culture.[5] It participated in efforts to rescue Ethiopian, Syrian, and Yemenite Jews and other endangered communities, while monitoring antisemitism in the former Soviet Union and parts of Europe.[5] It also opposed the Arab economic boycott of Israel and worked for reversal of the United Nations resolution equating Zionism with racism, which was reversed in 1991.[5]

In 1992, the Conference was a leading participant in efforts to obtain $10 billion in loan guarantees for Israel despite President George H. W. Bush's opposition.[5] In a later tribute, Malcolm Hoenlein recalled organizing citizen advocates to meet members of Congress in support of guarantees intended to help resettle Russian Jews, alongside cooperation with Bush on endangered Jewish communities.[11] Following the 1993 Oslo Accords, the Conference undertook activities concerning the Middle East peace process.[5]

A November 1995 message issued under chairman Leon Levy and executive vice chairman Hoenlein thanked those offering condolences after Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin's assassination and linked their solidarity to the special relationship with Israel and support for peace.[12] In November 2001, the Justice Department announced a meeting between Conference representatives and Attorney General John Ashcroft, without specifying its agenda or outcome.[13]

The Conference and AIPAC developed complementary roles in advocacy for Israel: after an extended coordination process, the Conference concentrated on the U.S. executive branch while AIPAC dealt primarily with Congress.[6] Both became more prominent in the 1970s and 1980s as American aid to Israel increased after the Yom Kippur War.[6] The Conference also served as a forum for regular briefings by Israeli and American officials and sometimes carried messages from the American administration to Israel's government.[14]

Its chair became a de facto spokesperson on international affairs, particularly from Schindler's tenure in the late 1970s.[6] Historical leadership arrangements described in 2005 provided for a rotating chair, normally serving two years, who had been president of a member organization within the preceding three years.[5] Yehuda Hellman served as the organization's senior professional from 1959 to 1986, followed by Malcolm Hoenlein as executive vice chairman from 1986.[5] June Walker later became its second woman chair and the first chairperson to die in office.[15]

William C. Daroff has served as chief executive officer since February 2020.[16] During the leadership transition, Hoenlein remained part-time vice chairman with responsibilities involving antisemitism and special projects; Daroff arrived after serving as a senior vice president and Washington office director at Jewish Federations of North America.[4] Daroff's responsibilities include discussions with the White House, Congress, senior Israeli officials, foreign governments, and diplomats in Washington and at the United Nations.[16]

Betsy Berns Korn was re-elected to a second one-year term as chair beginning June 1, 2026.[17] A full Conference vote on May 13, 2026, elected Matthew Bronfman chair-elect; he was identified as chair of Hillel International's Board of Governors and a member of the Conference's Executive Council.[17] In March 2025, during Harriet P. Schleifer's chairmanship, the Conference admitted the Israeli-American Council following unanimous approval by its membership committee and full membership.[18][19] The admission recognized the IAC's work on Israeli-American engagement, Jewish identity, and U.S.–Israel ties.[18]

Annual leadership missions provide direct exchanges between American Jewish organizational leaders and Israeli policymakers.[20] The 2017 mission included more than 110 leaders from 53 member groups, with meetings in Israel and stops in Morocco, Cyprus, and Egypt; participants used the information to educate their constituents and support governmental advocacy.[20] In 2020, nearly 200 delegates attended a weeklong Jerusalem summit after a 30-person delegation met senior Saudi officials.[4] The Israeli program included meetings with political and civic figures and a visit to the Jordan Valley.[4] The 51st annual National Leadership Mission to Jerusalem in 2026, led by Korn and Daroff, scheduled meetings with senior Israeli political, military, and civic leaders.[21]

Diplomatic engagement also takes place in the United States.[5] At a January 22, 2014, dinner welcoming Israeli ambassador Ron Dermer, chair Robert Sugarman and Hoenlein joined diplomats and other guests for a briefing on Israeli concerns, including Iran's nuclear program and sanctions.[22] Sugarman expressed the community's commitment to assist the new ambassador.[22]

Antisemitism and communal security have generated coordinated work across member organizations.[23] An initiative chaired by Jewish Federations of North America and ADL brought dozens of groups together on legislation, engagement with diverse audiences, and physical security.[23] In congressional commission testimony, chairman James S. Tisch described antisemitism as a Conference priority and noted Hoenlein's representation of the organization at an OSCE conference in Berlin.[24] Tisch urged American diplomats to raise anti-Jewish incitement with Arab governments and seek accountability for antisemitic material in state-controlled media.[24]

Programs listed in 2005 included Daily Alert, a Middle East news summary; Israel Campus Beat, a weekly university-oriented email; Secure Community Alert Network, an emergency communications system; and Justice for Jews from Arab Countries, a refugee advocacy arm.[5] The organization's reported budget for that year was $2 million.[5] Its agenda from the mid-1990s into the 21st century included terrorism, weapons proliferation, Islamic fundamentalism, foreign aid, trade and tourism with Israel, American Jewish ties to Israel, and global antisemitism.[5]

In August 2025, the Conference joined ADL, Hillel International, and Jewish Federations of North America in announcing updated recommendations for safer and more inclusive campuses for Jewish students, faculty, and staff.[25] The organizations intended to work with college and university administrators on implementation.[25] In June 2026, the Conference became the 40th organization to join the JLens Jewish Investor Network and invested in the TOV ETF; Korn connected that investment to using communal capital to advance communal values.[26]

Following the Hamas-led attack on Israel, an October 9, 2023, statement signed by 48 member organizations expressed support for Israel across a broad religious, ideological, and political spectrum.[27] That month, the Conference co-hosted Washington's “Unity in Crisis” event with Jewish Federations, AIPAC, AJC, ADL, and others, bringing together congressional leaders from both parties and Biden administration representatives.[28] The Conference was also a principal co-convener of the November 14 March for Israel on the National Mall, for which it reported attendance exceeding 290,000.[29]

In December 2023, it joined AJC, Jewish Federations, ADL, and AIPAC in leading the 10/7 Project.[30] The centralized communications initiative sought continued bipartisan support for Israel through fact-based coverage, rapid response, and a media campaign addressing the Israel–Hamas war.[30] Daroff said it would highlight the October 7 victims and hostages and counter misinformation.[30]

A subsequent solidarity gathering in Jerusalem brought together 20 Jewish leaders representing 16 organizations, with meetings involving Israeli political leaders and hostage families and visits to Hostages Square, the Weizmann Institute, and Bat Yam.[31] Daroff said participants wanted to inspect damage and consider assistance with reconstruction and trauma care.[31] His accompanying statement that American Jews had raised $2 billion for Israel since October 7 concerned American Jewish fundraising generally, rather than funds raised by the Conference itself.[31]

By 1990, the Conference's stated purpose centered on strengthening the U.S.–Israel alliance and protecting and enhancing the security and dignity of Jews abroad.[6] Its coordinating role linked advocacy for Israel with responsibility for endangered Jewish communities, including Soviet Jewish emigration and rescue efforts involving Ethiopian, Syrian, and Yemenite Jews.[5] Its members' cooperation provided a common channel to American officials without replacing their separate institutional identities.[6]

The Conference became an interlocutor for U.S. executive and legislative officials, Israeli leaders, foreign heads of state, and Jewish communities abroad.[5] Its leadership missions created opportunities both for American Jewish leaders to learn directly from Israeli officials and experts and for Israeli policymakers to engage a diverse organizational delegation.[20] Its mandate developed from speaking to the administration on Israel-related matters toward more active participation in policy formulation and a broader international agenda.[5][14]

The organization's public convening role was visible at its 2013 tribute gala at the Waldorf-Astoria New York, attended by 1,200 guests.[32] UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon addressed the gathering, Barack Obama and Benjamin Netanyahu delivered video messages, and George W. Bush gave a surprise keynote address.[32] Its later mass mobilization and joint communications initiatives similarly brought participating organizations together around support for Israel and Jewish communal security.[29][30]

Consensus requirements have periodically constrained the Conference's ability to respond to divisive policy questions.[5][6] During the early-1970s Jackson–Vanik Amendment debate, it retreated from support under pressure from President Nixon and then faced grassroots pressure to back legislation linking Soviet trade concessions to treatment of Jews.[6] Internal divisions delayed its response to Oslo and produced disagreements over its response to Rabin's assassination and support for the 2005 Gaza withdrawal.[5] A dated account of the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement debate likewise connected the absence of an official response to differences among members.[33]

Membership decisions have raised questions about ideological breadth.[6] Americans for Peace Now was admitted in 1993 after debate over whether its views on PLO negotiations would hinder collective statements or whether exclusion would damage the Conference's legitimacy and relations with Israeli and American leaders.[6] The American Jewish Committee remained an observer before joining in 1991, while Meretz U.S.A. was rejected on stated membership, budget, and regionalization grounds that critics suspected masked political considerations.[5]

In April 2014, J Street's application received 17 favorable votes and 22 opposing votes, short of the 34 affirmative votes required from 50 member groups.[34] The rejection generated public disagreement about the range of pro-Israel opinion represented; Conference officials said the chair and executive vice chairman did not vote.[34] Objections to former HIAS chair Dianne Lob's 2020 nomination concerned HIAS's politics and alleged bylaw violations; a compromise retained Arthur Stark as chair and designated Lob chair-elect to assume the chairmanship after April 1, 2021.[35]

The Workers Circle resigned in August 2023, citing disagreements involving Israeli democracy, criticism of Israel, the IHRA antisemitism definition, and American democracy.[36] Daroff responded that some concerns fell outside the Conference's remit of U.S.–Israel relations, related foreign policy, and antisemitism.[36] Earlier criticism also concerned expansion into functional programs, while the organization generally avoided the divisive “Who is a Jew?” question to protect its unity mission.[5] Its own membership announcement cautions that leadership-consensus positions do not necessarily represent every member organization's views.[18]