Avichai Mandelblit

Mandelblit was born in Tel Aviv to a right-wing family and grew up as an Orthodox Jew.[3] He pursued a legal career within the Israel Defense Forces, rising to become a senior IDF lawyer before being appointed Military Advocate General in 2004. He was promoted to the rank of major general in 2009 and served as Military Advocate General until 2011.[3][1]

During his time as Military Advocate General, Mandelblit articulated a philosophy of military law grounded in operational effectiveness alongside legal compliance. In a 2009 interview published in Haaretz, he described adherence to international law as applying "at all ranks and on all levels," and said that the military's goal was to win "in accordance with the limitations of the law."[8] He addressed proportionality, the distinction between combatants and civilians, and the weighing of military advantage against possible collateral damage.[8]

Mandelblit's tenure as Military Advocate General coincided with the 2008–09 Operation Cast Lead in Gaza. He oversaw investigations into more than 150 incidents arising from that operation, including matters raised in the UN Human Rights Council's 2009 Goldstone report.[9][10] By July 2010, 47 military police criminal investigations into IDF conduct during Operation Cast Lead had been launched.[9] Updates released in January and July included information about indictments against several soldiers for manslaughter, improper use of civilians in wartime, and misconduct.[9]

The scope of military legal activity during his broader tenure was substantial. In 2009, the Military Investigative Police launched 147 investigations concerning deaths, violence, and property damage involving residents of the West Bank — known by its original, indigenous Jewish name of Judea and Samaria — and the Gaza Strip.[10] The military advocate general filed 10 indictments against 12 soldiers suspected of criminal offenses against Palestinians; by year's end, four soldiers had been convicted in three cases, three cases had been closed, and seven remained pending.[10] Mandelblit also dealt with implementation of the disengagement plan, and his experience in international law, military law, and the laws of war became a defining feature of his public career.[1]

After leaving public office, Mandelblit entered academic leadership. By 2026, he was serving as dean of the Faculty of Law at the Academic College of Ramat Gan.[11]

After leaving military service, Mandelblit transitioned into civilian government, serving as cabinet secretary in Benjamin Netanyahu's government until 2015.[3] In that role he worked with the prime minister on a daily basis, giving him a close working relationship with the man who would later become the subject of his most consequential prosecutorial decision.[3]

One notable episode of his time as cabinet secretary was his stewardship of a years-long effort to resolve the disputed question of non-Orthodox worship at the Western Wall. Mandelblit led a special team that negotiated for more than three years toward a compromise on prayer arrangements.[12] The plan proposed a separate worship area for Reform and Conservative Jews at Robinson's Arch while retaining the central plaza under Orthodox control.[12] The cabinet approved the arrangement, but Netanyahu subsequently suspended it following an uproar on ultra-Orthodox websites, illustrating the political pressures surrounding the negotiated compromise.[12]

The Israeli government unanimously approved Mandelblit's nomination as attorney general on January 3, 2016, and his six-year term began on February 1, with him succeeding Yehuda Weinstein.[13][14] Netanyahu had favored the appointment, while Weinstein had opposed it.[15]

The selection process was not without friction. A five-member selection committee recommended Mandelblit as its sole candidate, with four members supporting him; the committee's chair, former Supreme Court President Asher Grunis, opposed the recommendation because he believed a cooling-off period should apply following Mandelblit's recent service as cabinet secretary.[1] Two petitions challenging the nomination — filed by the Ometz movement and the Movement for Quality Government in Israel — were unanimously rejected by a five-judge Supreme Court panel on January 17, 2016.[13]

The Attorney General's office carries broad institutional authority: it serves as legal counsel for the government and public authorities, directs the state prosecution, and supervises the legal department responsible for preparing and reviewing proposed legislation.[16] The office also has authority to decide whether to submit indictments and to rule on decisions by police or the State Attorney to investigate or close a file.[16]

Mandelblit described the attorney general's role publicly as one that protects government policy while safeguarding the law and serving the public interest rather than a personal agenda.[17] His tenure covered legal matters involving Israeli governance, security, international law, and civil rights.

In 2016, Mandelblit ruled that Netanyahu — who was simultaneously serving as communications minister — could not handle matters relating to the Bezeq telecommunications company because of his friendship with its controlling shareholder, Shaul Elovitch. He required Netanyahu to transfer authority over those matters to another minister.[18]

On proposed legislation to retroactively legalize settlement outposts, Mandelblit publicly stated that he would not defend the bill, arguing that it sought to enable construction retroactively on private Palestinian land and would be contrary to international law.[19] When the Supreme Court later struck down the West Bank Regularization Law by a majority of eight judges to one, finding that it disproportionately infringed property and equality rights, Mandelblit had declined to defend it and submitted an opinion supporting annulment; the government was represented by private counsel.[20]

Mandelblit also argued before the Supreme Court in a case concerning a developer's refusal to sell an apartment to an Arab couple, contending that a private contractor building and marketing homes on state land had a duty to treat buyers equally.[21] The court upheld compensation for the couple, ruling that a company marketing homes built on state land could not discriminate on grounds including nationality, religion, or race.[21]

On election-law matters, Mandelblit submitted a legal opinion recommending that Knesset candidate Michael Ben-Ari be declared ineligible on grounds of incitement to racism.[22] For Itamar Ben-Gvir, he said the evidence was "very disturbing" and approached the threshold for disqualification, but recommended rejecting the petition because Supreme Court rulings set stringent tests for such an outcome.[22] The Supreme Court ultimately disqualified Ben-Ari.[22]

At the INSS 2020 annual conference, Mandelblit said military legal advice should be provided "in order to win wars, and not in order to restrict the army," and that operational decisions belonged to commanders.[23] He also addressed the ICC prosecutor's decision concerning a possible investigation into alleged war crimes by Israel in the West Bank, stating that Israel would not investigate someone merely to appease a foreign prosecutor.[23] On annexation during a transition government, he noted that any such government decision would be examined and that restraint was important.[23]

The question of whether an indictment alone legally required a prime minister to leave office was contested during his tenure.[24] Mandelblit also addressed a proposed disqualification of MK Heba Yazbak, concluding that there was insufficient evidence to disqualify her.[17]

On religious policy, Mandelblit decided that women could sit for examinations in Jewish law administered in connection with rabbinic qualifications. The ruling drew opposition from Chief Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu and the Chief Rabbinate Council, which argued that women should not be trained or serve as rabbis.[25]

Mandelblit's tenure also involved significant work on COVID-19-era government policy, settlement and security-related legal issues, and Arab-Israeli violence. His expertise in the laws of war shaped his approach to war-crimes inquiries connected to the International Criminal Court.[26] His work additionally involved plea deals with political figures including Arye Deri, Ya'acov Litzman, and Haim Katz.[26]

At his farewell in January 2022, Mandelblit said he had made thousands of decisions involving legal advice, court representation, and enforcement of the law over six years, and emphasized that the attorney general was answerable to the public interest in law and justice.[14] He also acknowledged that aspects of legal institutions' work needed improvement.[14] His term ended on January 31, 2022.[2] He was succeeded by Gali Baharav-Miara, the first woman to serve as Israel's Attorney General.[27]

The defining episode of Mandelblit's attorney-general tenure was his decision to indict Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, making Netanyahu the first sitting Israeli prime minister to face criminal charges.[7][5] The process stretched over several years and placed Mandelblit under intense public and political scrutiny.

In February 2018, Israeli police recommended that Mandelblit indict Netanyahu for bribery, fraud, and breach of trust.[28] The allegations included gifts allegedly worth NIS 1 million from benefactors including film producer Arnon Milchan, with police alleging Netanyahu had intervened for Milchan on legislation, business matters, and visa arrangements.[28] A second case concerned an alleged exchange of favorable coverage in Yedioth Ahronoth for action against the rival newspaper Israel Hayom.[28] Netanyahu consistently denied the allegations.[28]

Mandelblit authorized the Cases 1000 and 2000 investigations only after preliminary examinations lasting several months had established reasonable suspicion.[6] The Case 4000 inquiry arose separately from a Securities Authority investigation into Bezeq, and Netanyahu had not initially been a suspect in that inquiry.[6] After three years of investigation in which 140 witnesses gave evidence, Mandelblit announced on February 28, 2019, that he was considering indicting Netanyahu in all three cases.[5] The proposed charges were fraud and breach of trust in Cases 1000 and 2000, and bribery and breach of trust in Case 4000.[5]

Case 1000 concerned gifts and benefits from wealthy benefactors including Arnon Milchan. Case 2000 concerned alleged discussions with Yedioth Ahronoth publisher Arnon Mozes about favorable coverage in exchange for legislation affecting rival newspaper Israel Hayom. Case 4000 alleged that regulatory decisions benefiting Bezeq controlling shareholder Shaul Elovitch were made in exchange for favorable coverage on the Walla news site.[5] Netanyahu defended himself in a four-day pre-indictment hearing in October 2019.[5]

On November 21, 2019, Mandelblit formally decided to indict Netanyahu.[4] The indictment was filed in the Jerusalem District Court on January 28, 2020.[5] Mandelblit stated that after Netanyahu's bid for immunity was dropped, the rule of law required him to submit the indictment immediately.[17] He said he had made the decision "with a heavy heart but with a whole heart," concluded that there was a reasonable likelihood of conviction, and described bringing charges as a legal obligation rather than a choice.[6] He also said that the alleged conduct "deeply and fundamentally harms the rule of law, integrity and public trust."[7]

Netanyahu accused the process of "being a staged coup to rid him from office."[7] He denied wrongdoing throughout.[28] The timing of Mandelblit's decisions became a political issue: ahead of the April 9, 2019 election, former attorneys general and former Supreme Court members urged him to decide before the vote.[24]

In January 2022, as Mandelblit prepared to leave office, reports indicated that Netanyahu was seeking a plea deal. Mandelblit's reported condition was that Netanyahu admit to a crime involving moral turpitude and leave politics for seven years.[2] The negotiations ultimately collapsed, and the trial continued.[5]

In October 2026, Mandelblit testified for the defense at Netanyahu's criminal trial about authorization of the investigations. He said he gave oral authorization and did not believe written authorization was required, while acknowledging that some investigative actions — including serious ones — were carried out without his approval.[11] He said an unauthorized wiretap of Netanyahu aide Natan Eshel angered him and that he ordered it stopped.[11] He also described police conduct involving a woman close to witness Nir Hefetz as illegitimate and wrong, while explaining that he did not order a separate investigation or disciplinary action because he did not want to compromise the investigative process.[11]

In subsequent testimony, Mandelblit maintained that missing authorization for certain actions did not invalidate the evidence, and he denied that pressure had affected his decisions.[29] Defense attorney Amit Hadad alleged that prosecutors had exceeded their authority and misled Mandelblit; Mandelblit said he would be surprised if prosecutors had deliberately deceived him.[29] These were contested courtroom positions, not judicial findings.

Mandelblit's decision to indict Netanyahu left a lasting imprint on Israeli legal and political history. Netanyahu became the first sitting Israeli prime minister to face criminal charges, and the decision came from a conservative Netanyahu appointee who had previously served as his cabinet secretary.[7][30]

Mandelblit's public conduct was shaped by his articulation of the attorney general's dual role: helping the government implement policy while serving as a guardian of the law.[14] His stated philosophy on military legal counsel — that lawyers should advise commanders "in order to win wars, and not in order to restrict the army" — reflected his background as a career military lawyer who saw legal compliance and operational effectiveness as compatible.[23]

The breadth of his decisions extended well beyond the Netanyahu cases. Mandelblit took consequential positions on the Western Wall compromise and settlement legislation.[12][19] He also addressed civil equality in housing and candidate disqualification under election law.[21][22] His work encompassed the ICC's potential jurisdiction over Israeli forces and the legal constraints affecting transition governments.[23] Taken together, these decisions reflected an attorney general willing to act against the political interests of the government that appointed him when he judged the law required it.

After leaving office, Mandelblit moved into academic leadership and by 2026 was serving as dean of the Faculty of Law at the Academic College of Ramat Gan.[11] He also remained prominent in public debate. A 2023 SAPIR Journal article reported that Mandelblit had predicted bloodshed in a television interview about Israel's judicial-reform crisis, prompting Knesset member Simcha Rothman to call for him to be jailed for inciting violence.[30] The exchange illustrated the polarized environment that continued to surround him after his term.

A Tel Aviv University Peace Index survey from February 2019 captured the depth of public division over Mandelblit: roughly one-third of the Jewish public regarded his recommendation to indict Netanyahu as an unbiased professional decision, while another third believed it resulted from bias against Netanyahu.[31] About half of the Israeli public supported proceeding with Netanyahu's trial in line with the attorney general's recommendation even if Netanyahu formed a coalition government.[31]

Several aspects of Mandelblit's career attracted significant controversy, distinct from the political debate surrounding the Netanyahu prosecution itself.

The Harpaz affair was a major personal legal challenge. It involved a forged document produced by former intelligence officer Boaz Harpaz in 2010, purporting to outline a public-relations campaign for Yoav Gallant's bid to become IDF chief of staff and to damage the standing of then-chief Gabi Ashkenazi.[32] Investigators suspected Mandelblit had failed to disclose promptly that Ashkenazi possessed the document and had shared information about the investigation.[32] He was questioned under caution in June 2014, and police later said the evidence supported suspected obstruction and breach-of-trust offenses.[32] Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein closed the case against Mandelblit in May 2015, citing evidentiary difficulties and the circumstances, though he criticized aspects of Mandelblit's conduct.[32] The Times of Israel later reported that a High Court ruling cleared Mandelblit of wrongdoing.[33]

Questions about the appointment process resurfaced in 2024, when leaked recordings emerged concerning Mandelblit's efforts in 2015 to secure the attorney-general position while he was still cabinet secretary.[34] The recordings reportedly showed discussions between Mandelblit and then-Israel Bar Association chairman Efi Nave about the selection process, with Nave's chosen committee representative reported to have supported Mandelblit's candidacy and worked to persuade other committee members.[34] The High Court dismissed petitions seeking to disqualify Mandelblit's appointment, and the government approved him, but interpretations of the reported conduct remained contested.[34]

Mandelblit's impartiality in the Netanyahu cases was also publicly debated. His prior role as Netanyahu's cabinet secretary was cited both by those who argued he was too close to the prime minister and by those who contended personal loyalty should have led him to protect rather than prosecute Netanyahu.[24] The February 2019 Peace Index survey captured this division.[31] During his October 2026 trial testimony, questions also arose about whether all investigative actions had been properly authorized and whether prosecutors had kept him fully informed; Mandelblit acknowledged that some unauthorized actions occurred while maintaining that the evidence remained valid.[11][29]